delay ” is reminiscent of Thucydides vii. 15 and, with varia- / tions, appears several times in Ant. xvii.-xix.; cf. Dr. Thac- δ keray’s preface to Vol. IV. pp. xiv ff. 187 JOSEPHUS ναὸς οὕτως ἐπισκευασθεὶς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εὐσέβειαν φανερὰν ἐ ἐποίησεν. 57 (9) “Oydoov δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ δέκατον τῆς βασιλείας ἔτος ἔχων πέμπει πρὸς ᾿Ελιακίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα, κελεύων τὸ περισσὸν τῶν χρημάτων χωνεύσαντα ποιῆσαι κρατῆρας καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ φιάλας εἰς τὴν διακονίαν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ὅσος ἂν ἢ χρυσὸς ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς καὶ ἄργυρος καὶ τοῦτον προκομίσανταῦ εἰς τοὺς κρατῆρας ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα σκεύη 58 δαπανῆσαι. προκομίζων δὲ τὸν χρυσὸν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ελιακίας ἐντυγχάνει ταῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις ταῖς Μωυσέος ἐν τῷ ναῷ κειμέναις καὶ “προκομίσας δίδωσι τῷ γραμματεῖ Σαφᾷ. ὁ δὲ ἀ ἀναγνοὺς παρα- γίνεται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πάντα ὅσα κελεύσειε γενέσθαι τέλος ἔχοντα ἐδήλου, παρανέγνω δ᾽ αὐτῷ 59 καὶ τὰς βίβλους ." ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ περιρρηξάμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα, τὸν ἀρχιερέα καλέσας ᾿Βλιακίαν καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν γραμματέα καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων φίλων τινὰς ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὴν προφῆτιν ᾽Θολδά," γυναῖκα δὲ Σαλλούμου" τῶν ἐν δόξῃ τινὸς καὶ du’ 1 ἢ MSPLV. 2 Bekker: προσκομίσαντας vel προσκομίσαντες codd. 3 βίβλους Hudson: βίβλους αὐτῶν codd. 4 Ὃλδᾷ O: Ὀλδὰν LVE Zonaras: Oldam Lat. 5 Σαλλάμου R: Σελούμου LVE: Salomi Lat. “ Variant “ or,’ > Or “ use it,’ Sof following note. ¢ This reference to the purchase (or fashioning) of Li vessels may be based on a misunderstandin, ng of 2 Kings xxii. 9 where the rxx reads’ ‘they smelted (the Heb. may mean “ they poured out”; A.V. “they have gathered together,” and so Targum) the silver found in the temple.” 188 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 56-59 repaired in this fashion, made clear the piety of the king. ; (2) Now he had already been reigning eighteen a, ears when he sent to the high priest Eliakias, telling discovers a him to melt what was left over of the money and with Yok of it make mixing-bowls and libation-cups and bowls in the for the temple service, and, in addition, bring out SRP" i: whatever gold and? silver might be in the treasuries 3; 2 Chron. and spend it® similarly for mixing-bowls and such δ τ vessels.° . But, in bringing out the gold, the high priest Eliakias came upon the sacred books? of Moses, which had been placed in the temple, and he brought them out and gave them to Sapha, the seribe. And, when he had read them, he came to the king and informed him that everything which he had ordered to be done had been brought to completion. Then he also read the books aloud to Josiah con- him. When the king had heard them read, he rent Svs the his garments and, calling the high priest Eliakias, Buldah sent him and the scribe himself * and some of big kines xxt. closest friends to the prophetess Oolda,’ the wife a of Sallimos,’ a man of high repute and illustrious ~~" Scripture says explicitly, however, that the money (or silver) was used for buying stone and timber. 4 Scripture throughout this chapter speaks of “a book” ~) 4 of the law of Moses (or “ of the Lord’), not of “‘ books.” / Josephus evidently understands Scripture to mean the entire , Pentateuch. Most modern scholars, however, assume that | the book of Deuteronomy is here meant, and that in sub- stantially. its present form it was written not long before the reign of Josiah, as the religious reforms prescribed in Deuteronomy seem to have been accepted by Josiah as a / program of action. A * 1.6. Shaphan; Scripture also mentions Shaphan’s son i as well as two others. 7 Bibl. Huldah (Huldah), rxx Ὅλδα. * Bibl. Shallum, txx Σελλήμ. 189 JOSEPHUS εὐγένειαν ἐπιφανοῦς, καὶ προσελθόντας ἐκέλευε λέγειν ἱλάσκεσθαι τὸν θεὸν καὶ πειρᾶσθαι ποιεῖν εὐμενῆ: δέος γὰρ εἶναι, μὴ παραβάντων τοὺς Μωυ- σέος νόμους τῶν προγόνων αὐτῶν" κινδυνεύσωσιν ἀνάστατοι γενέσθαι καὶ τῆς οἰκείας ἐκπεσόντες ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας ἔρημοι πάντων καταστρέψωσιν οἰκτρῶς 69 Tov βίον. ἀκούσασα δ᾽ ἡ προφῆτις παρὰ τῶν πεμφθέντων ταῦτα αὐτῶν δι’ ὧν" ἐπέστειλεν", ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς ἀπελθόντας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα “λέγειν ὅτι τὸ “μὲν θεῖον ἤδη κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ψῆφον ἤνεγκεν, ἣν οὐχ ἱκεσίαις ἄν τις ἄκυρον ποιήσειεν, ἀπολέσαι τὸν λαὸν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἐκ- βαλεῖν καὶ πάντων ἀφελέσθαι τῶν νῦν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν, παραβάντας τοὺς νόμους καὶ τοσούτῳ μεταξὺ χρόνῳ μὴ μετανοήσαντας, τῶν τεῦ προφη- τῶν τοῦτο παραινούντων σωφρονεῖν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ 61 τοῖς ἀσεβήμασι τιμωρίαν προλεγόντων: jv, ἵνα πεισθῶσιν ὅτι θεός ἐστι καὶ οὐδὲν ἐψεύδετο τούτων ὧν αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν προφητῶν κατήγγειλε, πάντως αὐτοῖς ποιήσειν" δι᾽ αὐτὸν μέντοι δίκαιον γενό- μενον ἐφέξειν ἔτι τὰς συμφοράς, μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν τὰ κατεψηφισμένα πάθη τοῖς ὄχλοις ἐπιπέμψειν. 62 (8) Οἱ μὲν οὖν τῆς γυναικὸς προφητευσάσης ἐλθόντες ἀπήγγειλαν τῷ βασιλεῖ. ὁ δὲ περιπέμψας 1 ἐπιφανῶν LVE. 2 αὐτοὶ i con). Niese. 3 αὐτῶν δι᾿ ὧν M corr.: δι αὐτῶν ὧν codd. 4 ἀπέστειλεν SPL. 5 γε Bekker. 8 ἐποίσειν Naber. * Scripture says merely that he was “ keeper of the wardrobe.” 190 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 59-62 family,* commanding them to go to her and tell her to appease God and attempt to win His favour, for, he said, there was reason to fear that, since their forefathers had transgressed against the laws of Moses, they themselves might be in danger of being driven away, and, after being cast out of their own country into a foreign land where they would be destitute of all things, might there miserably end their lives.?. When the prophetess heard these things ~ from the men through whom the king had sent the message,” she told them to go back to the king and say that the Deity had already given His sentence against them and that no one could make it in- effective even by supplications; this sentence was to destroy the people and drive them out of their country and deprive them of all the good things which they now had, because they had transgressed against the laws and during so long an interval of time had not repented, although the prophets ex- horted them to act thus wisely and foretold the punishment for their impious deeds, which, she said, He would certainly inflict on them in order that they might believe that He was God and was not speaking falsely about any of the things which He had an- nounced to them through the prophets. However, she said, for the sake of Josiah, who was a righteous man, He would put off these calamities for a time, but after his death would send down on the multitude the sufferings He had decreed against them.? (3) And so, after the woman had prophesied, they The public came and reported her words to the king. There- 2072", > The reference to Josiah’s fear of exile is an addition'to Scripture. © Text uncertain. ¢ Josephus amplifies the scriptural text of Huldah’s reply. 191 JOSEPHUS » Wa πανταχοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἐκέλευε' συνελθεῖν εἰς “lepood- λυμα τούς θ᾽" ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς Ληουίτας, πᾶσαν" 63 ἡλικίαν “προστάξας παρεῖναι. ἀθροισθέντων. δὲ av- τῶν πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῖς ἀνέγνω. τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους, ἔπειτα στὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐν μέσῳ τῷ πλήθει ὅρκους ποιήσασθαι καὶ πίστεις ἠνάγκασεν ἢ μὴν θρησκεύσειν τὸν θεὸν καὶ φυλάξειν" τοὺς Μωυσέος 64 νόμους. οἱ δὲ προθύμως τ᾽ ἐπήνεσαν καὶ τὰ παρ- αινεθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ποιήσειν ὑπέστησαν, θύοντές τε παραχρῆμα καὶ καλλιεροῦντες. ἤδη τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευον εὐμενῆ καὶ ἵλεων αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν. 65 τὸν δὲ a ἀρχιερέα προσέταξεν εἴ τι περισσὸν ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων σκεῦος τοῖς εἰδώλοις καὶ ξενικοῖς θεοῖς κατασταθὲν ἣν ἐν τῷ ναῷ, τοῦτο ἐκβαλεῖν. συν- αθροισθέντων δὲ πολλῶν καταπρήσας αὐτὰ τὴν σποδὸν αὐτῶν διέσπειρε καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῶν εἰδώλων οὐκ ὄντας ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ααρῶνος γένους ἀπέκτεινε. : 66 (4) Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἹἹεροσολύμοις διαπραξά- μενος ἧκεν εἰς τὴν χώραν καὶ τὰ κατασκευα- σθέντα ἐν αὐτῇ ὑπὸ ‘lepoBodpov τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τιμὴν τῶν ξενικῶν θεῶν ἠφάνισε καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ τῶν ψευδοπροφητῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἰβιομοῦ; ὃν κατεσκεύασε 67 πρῶτος ‘lepoBdapos, κατέκαυσε." ταῦτα δὲ προ- φήτην κατελθόντα πρὸς ἽἹεροβόαμον, θυσιάζοντος 1 ἐκέλευσε MSPLVE. 2 θ᾽ ex Lat. add. Niese. 3 πᾷσάν τε MSP Lat. 4 βρησκεύσειν . . . φυλάξειν Niese: θρησκεῦσαι . .. φυλάξαι codd. 5 κατέσκαψε M: πυρὶ παραδέδωκε RO. 192 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 62-67 upon he sent round. to all parts, commanding the Moses’ laws, people to gather in Jerusalem, as also the priests ey and Levites, and ordering those of every age to be 2 Chron. present. When these had been assembled, he first ~~” τες read them the sacred books and then, standing on the tribune * in the midst of the people, he com- pelled them to take an oath and pledge-that they . would truly worship God and keep the laws of Moses. And they eagerly assented and undertook to do what the king urged upon them, and straightway Sacrificed and, while singing the sacred hymns,’ supplicated God to be favourable and gracious to them. Then he ordered the high priest to cast out ~ any yessels that were left of those that had been set up in the temple by their forefathers to the idols and strange gods. And, when many of these had ¥ been collected, he burnt them and scattered their ashes; he ‘also killed the priests of the idols, who were not of the family of Aaron.‘ , . (4) When he had carried out) these reforms in Josiah burns Jerusalem, he went into the country, and utterly {P< pons οὗ destroyed everything that had been built there by prophets. King Jeroboam in honour of the foreign gods, and aii is. he burnt the bones of the false prophets upon the altar which Jeroboam had been the first to build. Now a prophet had come to Jeroboam and foretold, * Bibl. “by (Heb. ‘al can mean either “by” or “‘on”’) a ΠΤ exact meaning of καλλιεροῦντες (usually =“ sacri- fice auspiciously 7 is uncertain here, οὐ. Ant. ix. 268 note. ¢ Bibl. (2 Kings) “* he made an end of (A.V. “‘ put down ”’; LXx κατέκαυσε “ "—a corruptioniof κατέπαυσε “ made an end of ”’) the idolatrous priests.” . Josephus-in the fore- going account of Josiah’s reforms omits many of the details given in 2 Kings xxiii. 4 ff. 7 193 ᾿ς JOSEPHUS αὐτοῦ καὶ παντὸς ἀκούοντος τοῦ λαοῦ, mpokaray- γεῖλαι γενησόμενα," ὅτι τις ἐκ τοῦ Δαυΐδου γένους ᾿Ιωσίας τοὔνομα ποιήσει τὰ προειρημένα." συνέβη δὲ ταῦτα sige τέλος, μετὰ ἔτη ONO ἊΝ ἑξηκονταέν. iis Se GR” 5] 68 (5) Mera δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς *Iwoias’ πορευθεὶς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν,᾽ ὅσοι τὴν αἰχμαλωσίαν καὶ τὴν δουλείαν τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν. ᾿Ασσυ- ρίων διέφυγον, ἀφεῖναι μὲν τὰς ἀσεβεῖς πράξεις, καὶ τὰς τιμὰς τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους θεοὺς ἐγκατα- λιπεῖν ἔπεισε, τὸν δὲ πάτριον καὶ μέγιστον «θεὸν 69 εὐσεβεῖν καὶ τούτῳ προσανέχειν" τὰς. οἰκίας τε καὶ τὰς κώμας ἠρεύνησε καὶ τὰς πόλεις, μή τις ἔνδον ἔχοι τι τῶν εἰδώλων ὑπονοῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τοῖς βασιλευομένοις ἐφεστῶτα ἅ ἅρματα, ἃ κατ- εσκεύασαν ot πρόγονοι, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο τοιοῦτον ἣν ᾧ 70 προσεκύνουν ὁ ὡς θεῷ ἐβάστασε' καὶ καθαρίσας οὕτω ae χώραν ἅπασαν εἰς ἹἹερόσόλυμα τὸν λαὸν συν- TOs: + γενησόμενα ‘Coceceji: τὰ γενησόμενα codd. 5 post προειρημένα deesse verba ἐν τοῖς ἄνω ᾿δεδηλώκαμεν aut sim. conj. Cocceji. @ Ant. viii. 231 ff. (1 Kings xiii. 1 ff.). ὃ The actual period of time, according to modern cn il ing, is nearer 300 years. Josephus’s figure, moreover, is not consistent with the chronology given earlier. According to Ant. ix. 280, the kingdom of Israel, from the accession of Jeroboam until its end in the 7th year of Hezekiah (Ants ix. 277), lasted 240 years (+7 months, 7 days). Josephus reckons 22 years more to Hezekiah’s reign (Ant. x. 36), 55 to Manasseh’s (Ant. x. 46), 2 to Amon’s (Ant. x. 47), and 18 to Josiah’s up to the discovery of the Mosaic law (Ant. x. 57). Thus we get 97 added to 240, which equals 194 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 67-70 as he was sacrificing and in the hearing of all the ple, that these ‘things would come to pass, namely oer t someone of the line of David; named Josiah, would do the things described above.* And, as it happened, these prophecies were fulfilled mites three hundred and sixty-one years.” Ὁ (5) After these events King Josiah went also. to Josian the other Israelites, those who had. escaped from [{oTys.{?° captivity and servitude under the Assyrians, and ‘/ * εὖ persuaded them to give up their impious practices τὸ and abandon their worship of foreign gods and, instead, to show piety toward the Almighty God of their fathers and remain faithful to Him. He also searched the houses and villages and cities, suspecting that someone might have some idolatrous object within.©. Furthermore he removed the chariots 2 Kings placed for the king’s officers,* which his forefathers “4 had built, and many other such things which they wor- shipped as gods ; and having thus purified the entire country, he called the people together at Jerusalem 337 years for the interval between the beginning of Jero- ᾿ pe 5 reign and the fulfilment of the prophesy about the tar. ¢ The foregoing is an amplification of Scripture, which says merely that he cleansed the cities of Manasseh, Ephraim and Simeon with their surroundings and cut down Al the idols in Israel. But the house-to-house search for idols is mentioned also in rabbinic tradition, ef. Ginzberg iv. 282. 4 Lit.“ for those ruled over ” ;. the translation of βασιλευο- μένοις given in the text is base on the supposition that Josephus is carelessly paraphrasing 2 Kings xxiii. 11 which reads, ‘* And he made an end of (xx “* burned *’) the horses which the of Judah placed for the sun at the entrance of the house Se ee ee the eunuch (A.V. “chamberlain”’).”. It is unn suppose, with Weill, that βασιλευομένοις is a corruption ot βασιλείοις “* palace.” 195 JOSEPHUS) =| fs! εκάλεσε κἀκεῖ τὴν ἀζύμων ἑορτὴν Kat τὴν' πάσχα λεγομένην ἤγαγεν" ἐδωρήσατό τε τῷ λαῷ εἰς τὸ πάσχα νεογνοὺς ἐρίφους καὶ ἄρνας τρισμυρίους," 71 βοῦς δ᾽ εἰς ὁλοκαυτώματα" τρισχιλίους. παρεῖχον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων" οἱ πρῶτοι. διὰ τὸ πάσχα. τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἄρνας δισχιλίους ἑξακοσίους, καὶ "τοῖς Ληουίταις πεντακισχιλίους ἄρνας ἔδοσαν οἱ προ- 72 εστῶτες αὐτῶν, βοῦς δὲ πεντακοσίους. καὶ γενο- μένης οὕτως ἀφθόνου τῆς τῶν ἱερείων εὐπορίας τὰς θυσίας ἐπετέλουν τοῖς Μωυσέος νόμοις, ἑκάστῳ" τῶν ἱερέων ἐξηγουμένων καὶ διακονουμένων. τοῖς ὄχλοις, καὶ τοῦ μηδεμίαν ἄλλην οὕτως ἀχθῆναι. τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ἑ ἑορτὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Σαμουήλου τοῦ προφήτου χρόνων αἴτιον ἦν τὸ πάντα κατὰ νόμους καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχαίαν παρατήρησιν τῆς πατρίου συνηθείας 73 ἐπιτελεσθῆναι. ζήσας δ᾽ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Ιωσίας ἔτι δὲ καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ τῇ παρὰ πᾶσιν εὐδοξίᾳ κατέστρεψε τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τὸν βίον. 74 (ν. 1) Νεχαὼ ὃ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς ἐγείρας 1 καὶ τὴν] καὶ LVE Lat. : τὴν καὶ Dindorf fort. recte, * εἰς τὸ πάσχα ex τχχ conj. Hudson: τὸ πάσχα codd., secl. Dindorf. 5 ὁ δισμυρίους RO. 4 ὁλοκαύτωσιν SP. ᾿ ᾿Ιουδαίων ex Lat. conj. Hudson: “Ἑβραίων Naber. ® ἑκάστου MSPYV Lat. τ Νεχαῦς Ὁ (et R infra): Neyaods M : Νεχαὼς LV: gone E. * Or possibly (reading τὴν καὶ) “* also called,” ef. Ant. xx. 106 where the two festivals are identified. On the other hand, in Ant. iii. 249 Josephus more accurately distinguishes between the Festival of Unleavened Bread and the Passover which immediately precedes it. Both festivals are mentioned in 2 Chron. =1 Esdras, while the Passover alone is mentioned 196 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 70-74 and there celebrated the festival of Unleavened Bread and that called ἃ Passover (Pascha).. He also bresenesk gifts to the people for the Passover (con- of) thirty ὃ thousand yo kids and lambs, 5 cn be ee thousand oxen ain 4 whole _ burnt- *<¥. offerings. And the chief priests 5 as well furnished to the (other) priests for the Passover two thousand six hundred lambs,? and to the Levites their leaders gave five thousand lambs and five hundred’ oxen. And so, there being such an abundance of victims, they performed the sacrifices in accordance with the laws of Moses, the priests directing each step ὁ and ministering to the multitude. No other festival had been celebrated by the Hebrews in such a manner since the time of the prophet Samuel, which was due to the fact that everything was carried out in accordance with the laws and with the ob- servance of their fathers’ ancient customs. Now His celebra- tion of Passover, 2 aby ἢ 2 Chron. 1 Esdras Si.1, Josiah after this lived in peace and, moreover, enjoyed — wealth and the good opinion of all men, but ended his life in the following manner. (v. 1) Nechaé, the king of Egypt, having raised in2 Kings. The details of the sacrifice in Josephus are eet on the account in 2 Chron. =1 Esdras. > Variant 20. ¢ Cf. 2 Chron. xxxy. 8=1 Esdras i. 8 which speaks of the victims given to the oe ple and the priest’s by Josiah’s “ princes,” including jah and other priests in charge of the dhe ἀν It is therefore unnecessary to emend “ chief priests - (lit. “ first of the priests ’ ") in Josephus’s text to * chief ττα γριβῶ or “ chief Hebrews,’ as Hudson and Naber "Scripture adds “ and 300 oxen.” ¢ soe het to everyone ᾿ξ: variant “ each of the priests expo ete. This detail seems’to be based on the Eaeores aera (κατὰ τὴν διαίρεσιν) in 1 Esdras i. 10. 4 So txx; variants Nechaiis, Nechads, etc. ; bibl. Necho. 197 JOSEPHUS στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἤλασε ποταμόν, Μήδους πολεμήσων καὶ τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους, ot τὴν ᾿Ασσυ- ρίων κατέλυσαν ἀρχήν" τῆς γὰρ ᾿Ασίας βασιλεῦσαι 75 πόθον εἶχε. γενομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ Μένδην" , > > A - 3 , ῬΙΞΡῪ ‘ πόλιν (ἣν δ᾽ αὕτη τῆς ᾿Ιωσίου βασιλείας), μετὰ δυνάμεως εἶργεν αὐτὸν διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ποιεῖσθαι , \ > “\ \ 7 ” , τ \ χώρας τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς Μήδους ἔλασιν. πέμψας δὲ κήρυκα πρὸς αὐτὸν Νεχαὼ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρα- 4, μὴ 3 > : ae} ‘ > 4 € / τεύειν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ὡρμηκέναι μὴ παροξύνειν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευεν, ὥστε. πολεμεῖν 76 αὐτῷ κωλύοντι βαδίζειν ἐφ᾽ οὗ διέγνωκεν. ᾿Ιωσίας δὲ οὐ προσίετο τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Νεχαῶνος, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως εἶχεν ὡς μὴ συγχωρεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκείαν δι- έρχεσθαι, τῆς πεπρωμένης," οἶμαι, εἰς τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν παρορμησάσης, ἵνα λάβῃ πρόφασιν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 77 διατάσσοντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἅρ- ματος ἀπὸ κέρως ἐπὶ κέρας ὀχουμένου τοξεύσας τις αὐτὸν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἔπαυσε τῆς πρὸς τὴν μάχην σπουδῆς" τῷ τραύματι γὰρ περιαλγὴς ὧν ἐκέλευ- σεν ἀνακληθῆναι τὸ στράτευμα καὶ ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἐπὴν , αἱ κὰν 9 A ke. Ὁ ng τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα. τελευτᾷ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἐκεῖ -3» τΜήδην O: Medin Lat. 2 + ἀλαζονείας ROM. 3 ἐκείνης SPLV Lat. i @ Bibl. (Heb. 2 Chron. and itxx 1 Esdras) “ against Car- chemish on the Euphrates” ; cf. § 84 note ὁ. οτος ὃ Bibl. (2 Kings and txx 2 Chron.) “‘ the king of Assyria.” Josephus’s correction is in accord with historical fact, since the Medes and Babylonians together had practically destroyed the Assyrian power a few years before Necho’s: invasion of Syria (608 8.c.). On this occasion, moreover, the Egyptians were probably aided by the remnants of the Assyrian army, cf. A. Olmstead, History of Assyria, p. 639. ¢ Bibl. Megiddo, rxx Μαγεδώ (v.ll. Μαγεδδώ, Μαγεδών). 198 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 74-77 an army, marched toward the-Euphrates 5 river to Josiah’s make war on the Medes and Babylonians? who had battle with overthrown the Assyrian empire, for he had the 3730) )i"8 desire to rule Asia. When he came to the city of 2 Kings © Mendé *—this was in Josiah’s kingdom ‘—the latter Σοῦ; came with an army to prevent him from marching =v; 20; against the Medes through his country. So Necha6 i. 35 (xx sent a herald to him, saying that he was not tak- 5) ing the field against him, but was making for the Euphrates, and he bade Josiah not provoke him into making war on him by preventing him from going where he had made up his mind*to go. Josiah, however, paid no attention to Nechad’s request, but acted as*though he would not permit him to traverse his territory ; it was Destiny,* I believe, that urged. him on to this course, in order to have a pretext for destroying him. For, as he was mar- shalling his force and riding in his chariot from one wing to another,’ an Egyptian archer shot him and put an end to his eagerness for battle, and, being in great pain from his wound, he ordered the call to be sounded for the army’s retreat,’ and he returned to Jerusalem. There he died from his wound’ Josephus’s form Mendé is puzzling. The only city by this name, (a Greek form) was in Egypt, as Josephus himself knew (cf. B.J. iv. 659); and it is, moreover, difficult to believe that he could have been mistaken about the reading of Megiddo—a well-known name—in his bibl. text. Hero- dotus (ii, 159) speaks of a victory of Necho over the Syrians in Magdolos (of J Migdal, an Egyptian border-city mentioned in Jer. xliv. 1 and xlyi. 14), but it is hardly likely that Josephus confused this with Mendé, We must, it seems, assume that 7 Mendé is a scribal corruption of Megiddo. Ἢ 4 The variant, “ fated boastfulness,” hardly makes sense. * Unscriptural details. f Variant “ and he died from that wound.” 199 JOSEPHUS* ἩΞΕΝΕΙ τὸν βίον καὶ κηδεύεται ἐν ταῖς πατρῴαις θήκαις μεγαλοπρεπῶς, βιώσας. μὲν “ἔτη τριακονταεννέα, 18 βασιλεύσας δὲ τούτων ἕν καὶ τριάκοντα. πένθος ν᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἤχθη, πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὀδυρομένου καὶ κατηφοῦντος" Ἱερεμίας δ᾽ ὁ προφήτης ἐπικήδειον αὐτοῦ συνέταξε͵ μέλος 79 θρηνητικόν," ὃ καὶ μέχρι νῦν διαμένει. οὗτος ὁ προφήτης καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα τῇ πόλει. δεινὰ, προ- εκήρυξεν, ἐ ἐν γράμμασι καταλιπὼν | καὶ τὴν νῦν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν γενομένην ἅλωσιν τήν τε Βαβυλῶνος ΠΡΆ οὐ μόνον δὲ οὗτος προεθέσπισε ταῦτα τοῖς ὄχλοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὃ προφήτης ᾿Ιεζεκίηλος, ὃς πρῶτος περὶ 80 τούτων δύο βίβλους" γράψας κατέλιπεν.. ᾿ ἦσαν δὲ οἱ δύο τῷ γένει ἱερεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ 6 μὲν ἹἹερεμίας ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις διῆγεν ἀπὸ τρισκαιδεκάτου ἔτους τῆς ᾿Ιωσίου βασιλείας ἕ ἕως οὗ κατεσκάφη, a πόλις. καὶ ὁ ναός. τὰ μέντοι γε συμβάντα περὶ τοῦτον. τὸν προφήτην κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν. 81 (9) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Ιωσίου, καθὼς 7 oe καμεν, τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ δι sara * Apyyntixdy 560]. Niese,: Naber. οἱ εν ϑΐ, 2 βιβλία MSPLVE Zonaras. * According to 2 Kings xxii, 1 =? Chron. xxxiy. 1 he was 8 years old at his accession, added to which the 31 yerts of his reign give 39. ὃ This statement is based on 2 Chron: xxxv. 25,“ And Jeremiah lamented for Josiah, and all the singing men and women spake of Josiah in their lamentations to this day . .. and behold, they are written in the lamentations.” . Josephus, like the rabbis (cf. Ginzber, τς vi. 378), regarded this verse as a reference to the book of Lathdneatiogs, traditionally ascribed to Jeremiah. ° This reference to the capture of Jerusalem by Titus is suspected by Ussani (cited by R. Eisler, The Messiah Jesus, p. 609) of being an interpolation. This suspicion, however, 200 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 77-81 and was buried magnificently in the tombs of his fathers, haying lived thirty-nine years,* of which he reigned thirty-one. Great was the mourning for him observed by all the people, who bewailed him and grieved for many days. And the prophet The Jeremiah composed a song of lament for his funeral, a which remains to this day.2 This prophet also an- 354 Ezekiel. nounced the misfortunes that were to come upon the city, and left behind writings concerning the recent capture of our city,° as well as the capture of Babylon. And not only this prophet predicted these things to the multitude, but also the prophet Ezekiel, who left behind two books which he was the first to write about these matters.? These two men were both priests by birth, but Jeremiah lived in Jerusalem from the thirteenth year of Josiah’s reign’ until the city and the temple were demolished. What happened to this prophet, how- ever, we shall relate in the proper place.’ (2) When Josiah died, as we have already said, Accession of his son, Joachazos * by name, succeeded to the king- {R07 is hardly justified. Josephus naturally thought of the book ~ of Lamentations (which, like his contemporaries, he regarded as Jeremiah’s work) as a prophecy of the capture of Jerusalem + by the Romans as well as of that by the Babylonians, 4 Gr. Jezekiélos ; Heb. Y*hezqél. ¢ Josephus probably thought of the book of Ezekiel as com of two distinct parts of 24 chapters each. Cf. H. St. J. Thackeray, The Septuagint and Jewish Worship, p- 37, “ Fhis distinction of subject matter is well known to the rabbis who observed that Ezekiel opens with desolation and ends with consolation.” Less probably he alludes to a pseudepigraphic book of Ezekiel, now lost, cf. Fabricius, Codex Pseudep. Vet. Test., 1713, i. 1117 f. , Jere, 9. 5. §$ 112, 116 ff. © * Variants Joéazos, Jochazos ; bibl. Jehoahaz ( Y¥*hé’ahdz), Lxx Ἰωαχάς, v.l. Ἰωαχάζ. 201 JOSEPHUS *lwdyalos* τοὔνομα τρίτον" καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἤδη ἔτος γεγονώς. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἐν ἱἹἹεροσολύμοις ἐβασί- λευσε μητρὸς ᾿Αμιτάλης ἐκ πόλεως Λοβάνης" 82 ἀσεβὴς δὲ καὶ μιαρὸς τὸν τρόπον: ὃ δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς ὑποστρέψας ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης μεταπέμπεται τὸν ᾿Ιωάχαζον πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰς ᾿Αμαθὰ καλουμένην πόλιν, ἥτις ἐστὶ τῆς Συρίας, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐλθόντα ἔδησε, τῷ δὲ πρεσβυτέρῳ αὐτοῦ ἀδελφῷ ὁμοπατρίῳ ὄντι ᾿ΕἘλιακείμῳ" τοὔνομα τὴν βασιλείαν παραδίδωσι μετονομάσας αὐτὸν ᾿Ἰωά- κειμον". τῇ δὲ χώρᾳ ἐπέταξεν ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου 88 τάλαντα, ἕν δὲ χρυσίου. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἐτέλει ὁ ᾿Ιωάκειμος τὸ πλῆθος τῶν χρημάτων, τὸν δὲ Ἴ , 3 / > Al a ‘ > Xr , ὠάχαζον ἀπήγαγεν eis Αἴγυπτον, ds καὶ ἐτελεύ- τησεν ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεύσας μῆνας τρεῖς ἡμέρας δέκα. ἡ δὲ τοῦ ᾿Ιωακείμου μήτηρ ἐκαλεῖτο Za- βουδᾶ, ἐκ πόλεως δ᾽ ἦν ᾿Αβουμᾶς. ἐτύγχανε δ᾽ ὧν τὴν φύσιν ἄδικος καὶ κακοῦργος καὶ μήτε πρὸς θεὸν ὅσιος μήτε πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἐπιεικής. 84 (vi. 1) “Eros δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς βασιλείας τέταρτον 1 ᾿Ιώαζος RO: Ἰώχαζος SP. 2 περὶ τρίτον MSP fort. recte. 3 ἐκ ex Lat. Niese: καὶ codd. * Hudson: Τομάνης RO: Τωμιάνης SP: Τωμάνης LV: Thobana Lat. (cai... one s om. M), δ ᾿Ελιακίμῳ R?OMSP: Eliachim Lat. § Ἰωάκιμον RMSPV: Ioachim Lat. * Cf. xxx (most mss.) ᾿Αμιτάλ (Cod. B 2 Kings ᾿Αμειταίν 2 Chron, ᾿Αβειτάλ) ; bibl. Hamutal (Hamidi). > Emended form; mss, Tomané, Tomiané ; bibl. Libnah, Luxx Aofevd, v.ll. Λημνά, Λοβνά, κτλ The name appears as Labinah in Ant. ix. 98, cf. note ad loc. “ Bibl. Riblah in the land of Hamath. On Riblah ef. § 135 note c, on Hamath cf. Ant. vii. 107 note 6. 202 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 81-84 dom in his twenty-third year. And so he reigned 3 Kings | in Jerusalem, his mother being Amitalé* of the 2c: z chien. sity of Lobané® ; he was of an impious and corrupt Poin nature. Now the king of Egypt, returning from the ‘. ce tere battle, summoned Jéachazos to him at the city called ~ , Amatha, * which is in Syria, and, when he came, put Necho ‘ him in chains and gave the kingdom over to his Jehoiakim elder brother by the same father, after changing his (i9ek°'™>) name, which was Eliakeimos,‘ to Jéakeimos.? He 2 Kings also imposed on the country a tribute of one hundred 2ch Chron. ᾿ talents of silver and one talent of gold. And this Tey; | sum of money Jéakeimos paid. As for Jéachazos, is. he carried him off to Egypt, which was where he died after reigning three months and ten days.’ Now the mother of Jéakeimos was called Zabida,* and she came from the city of Abima.*‘ He proved to be unjust and wicked by nature, and was neither reverent toward God nor kind to man. (vi. 1) In the fourth year of his reign someone’ * Chi txx *EXaxeip ; bibl. Eliakim (‘Elyagtm). * Cf. txx Ἰωακείμ ; bibl. Jehoiakim ( pipes 7 So Heb. ; ixx 2 Kings 100 talents of silver and 100 talents of Id, Luc. 2 Kings and 1 Esdras 100 talents of silver and 10 of gold. σ΄ Bibl. 3 months. Weill ery meneet? that Josephus “ has here confused Jehoahaz with Jehoiachin who reigned 3 months and 10 days, according to 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9, § 98 σ᾽, Bibl: Zebudah (Z*buddah), txx Ἰελλά, v.l. ᾿Ἰελδάφ, Luc. © : (vid.). * Bibl. Rumah, txx Ῥουμά, Luc. a The Luc. here show confusion of Jehoi δ mother with Jehoahaz. ar: poheches appears to use tis “someone” as a tacit ς:--- to Greek readers for the uncouth form of the Babylonian king’s name. 203 JOSEPHUS ἤδη ἔχοντος τὴν Βαβυλωνίων ἀ ἀρχὴν παραλαμβάνει τις Ναβουχοδονόσορος" ὄνομα, ὃς ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν μετὰ μεγάλης παρασκευῆς ἐπὶ Καρ αμισσὰν ἀναβαίνει πόλιν, ἔστι δ᾽ αὕτη πρὸς τῷ Ἐυφράτῃ ποταμῷ," διεγνωκὼς πολεμεῖν τῷ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων Νεχαῶνι: ὑπὸ τούτῳ γὰρ ἦν ἅπασα ἡ Συρία. 85 μαθὼν δὲ τὴν τοῦ Βαβυλωνίου προαίρεσιν καὶ τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατείαν ὁ Νεχαὼ οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ὠλιγώ- pnoev, ἀλλὰ σὺν πολλῇ χειρὶ τὸν Ναβουχοδονόσορον 86 ἀμυνούμενος" ὥρμησεν" ἐπὶ τὸν “Εὐφράτην.. συμ- βολῆς δὲ γενομένης ἡττήθη καὶ πολλὰς. ἀπέβαλε μυριάδας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ . διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Eddparny 6 Βαβυλώνιος τὴν ἄχρι Πηλουσίου ee 87 Συρίαν πάρεξ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας. τέσσαρα ἔτη βασι- λεύοντος ἤδη. τοῦ Ναβουχοδόνοσδρου! ‘oor ἦν τῷ ᾿Ιωακείμῳ τῷ τῶν “Ἑβραίων ἔχοντι τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ στρατεύει μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοὺς *lov- δαίους ὁ 6 Βαβυλώνιος, φόρους αἰτῶν τὸν ᾿Ιωάκειμον ἢ πολεμήσειν ἀπειλῶν. ὁ δὲ δείσας τὴν ἀπειλὴν καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀντικαταλλαξάμενος τῶν χρημάτων ἤνεγκεν αὐτῷ φόρους οὕς μον, if ἐπὶ ἔτη τρία. 1 Ναβοκοδρόσορος Niese. ποταμῷ om. MSPLYV. 3 Cocceji: ἀμυνόμενος codd. 4 ἐξώρμησεν SPLV. « Gr. Nabichodonosoros, οὔ, txx NaBovyodovocdp; Heb, 2 Kings N*bikadnessar, Jer. N’bikadressar. > Bibl. Carchemish, xx Kapyapeis, v.l. Xappeis. It was situated in the immediate neighbourhood of the modern Jerablus on the upper Euphrates, c. 60 miles N.W. of Aleppo (modern Haleb) in North Syria. . Josephus omits the detailed and poetic account of Necho’s defeat in Jer. xlvi. 4 Bibl. (2 Kings) “ For the king of Babylon had taken from the river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates all that belonged to the king of Egypt.” 204 SS ee ee ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 84-87 called Nebuchadnezzar* became ruler of the Baby- nepuchaa- lonians and at the same time went up with a great "omar armament against the city of Karchamissa’—this is Necho and on the Euphrates river—with the determination to (inte on make war on the Egyptian king Nechaé, to whom all A Syria was subject. When Nechad learned of the xxiv. 1; Babylonian Ἦν AbLeripa and of the expedition ἐὸν αν 3 against him, he himself did not show indifference but 2). ? set out for the Euphrates with a large force to oppose Nebuchadnezzar. In the engagement that took place he was defeated and lost many myriads in the battle.© Then the Babylonian king crossed the Euphrates and occupied all Syria, with the exception of Judaea, as far as Pelusium.? In the fourth year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, which was the eighth year of Jéakeimos’s rule over the Hebrews,’ the Babylonian king marched against the Jews with a large force, demanding tribute of Jéakeimos under threat of war. And so he, being alarmed at this threat, purchased peace by paying the money, and for three years brought him the tribute which he had imposed./ ¢ According to 2 Kings xxiv. 1, Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar after being subject to him for 3 years. Scripture implies that the rebellio n took place at the end of Jehoiakim’s 11 year reign and, therefore, that he had become subject to Nebuchadnezzar in the 8th (or 9th) year of his reign. However in § 84 Josephus has equated Nebuchad- nezzar’s Ist year with Jehoiakim’s 4th. Therefore the 4th year of Nebuchadnezzar would be the 7th rather than the 8th of Jehoiakim. Moreover, according to Jer. xxvi. 1 ff., which Josephus follows below, Jehoiakim’s defiance of the Babylonians seems to have come at the beginning of his ; ja παρε does not mention the payment of tribute 5 y but implies it in the phrase “ became his servant.” 205 JOSEPHUS 88 (2) Τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ στρατεύειν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἀκούσας ἐπὶ τὸν Βαβυλώνιον καὶ τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ μὴ δοὺς διεψεύσθη τῆς ἐλπίδος" οἱ γὰρ Αἰγύπτιοι 89 ποιήσασθαι τὴν στρατείαν οὐκ ἐθάρρησαν. ταῦτα δὲ ὁ προφήτης Ἱερεμίας κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν πρού- λεγεν, ὡς μάτην ταῖς παρὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἐλπίσι προσανέχουσι, καὶ ὡς δεῖ τὴν πόλιν". ὑπὸ τοῦ Βαβυλωνίων βασιλέως ἀνάστατον γενέσθαι, καὶ ᾿Ιωάκειμον. τὸν βασιλέα" χειρωθῆναι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 90 ἀλλὰ ταῦτ᾽ εἰς" οὐδὲν χρήσιμον, οὐκ ὄντων τῶν σωθησομένων," ἐλέγετο: καὶ γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες ἀκούοντες παρημέλουν, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν λαμβάνοντες τὰ “λεγόμενα ὡς οἰωνιζ ζομένου κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦ προφήτου τὸν Ἱερεμίαν ἡ ἠτιῶντο, καὶ ὑπάγοντες δίκῃ καταψηφισθῆναι πρὸς τιμωρίαν 91 ἠξίουν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἤνεγκαν τὰς ψήφους κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ of καὶ ἀπέγνωσαν τῶν πρεσβυ- τέρων, οἱ δὲ “σοφῆς ὄντες διανοίας ἀπέλυσαν τὸν προφήτην ἀπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συνεβού- 92 λευσαν ᾿ μηδὲν διαθεῖναι κακὸν τὸν Ἱερεμίαν. ἔλεγον γὰρ οὐ μόνον τοῦτον προλέγειν τῇ πόλει τὰ μέλ- λοντα, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μιχαίαν πρὸ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα κατ- ἡγγελκέναι καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους, ὧν οὐδεὶς ὑπὸ 1 δεῖ. . πόλιν] πέπρωται τῇ πόλει LVE, 2 Ιωάκειμον τὸν βασιλέα V: Ἰωακείμῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ rell, 3 εἰς om. RO. * συνθησομένων O: θησομένων Mi, 5 of καὶ RO: of δ᾽ (δὲ) rell. Lat. * According to Scripture, the priests, the false prophets and the people opposed Jeremiah, while the nobles and elders supported him. Text and meaning uncertain. 206 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. ss—92 (2) But in the third year, having heard that the Jeremiah Egyptians were marching against the Babylonian [fPs vith king, he did not pay him tribute. However, he was Esypt andis disappointed of his hopes, for the Egyptians did not eg venture to undertake the campaign. And this was ag XXxiil, what the prophet Jeremiah foretold day after day, ~ how that it was vain for them to cling to their hope of help from the Egyptians and that the city was destined to be overthrown by the king of Baby- lonia, and King Jéakeimos to be subdued by him. These things, however, he spoke to no avail, since there were none who were destined to be saved, for both the people and their rulers disregarded what they heard*; and, being angered by his words, they accused Jeremiah of having as prophet used divina- tion against the king, and, bringing him to trial, demanded that he be sentenced to punishment. And so all the others cast votes against him, thereby re- jecting the advice of the elders,’ but these, being of wise understanding, released the prophet from the prison-hall° and advised the others to do Jeremiah no harm. For, they said, he was not the only one to foretell what would befall the city, but Michaias ἃ before him had announced these things, as had many others, and none of them had suffered anything at ¢ Josephus is here evidently alluding to the αὐλὴ τῇ ἢ as the ra translates Heb. Kesoy hana γε μρολ wich ¢ rae prison ᾿ (in Zedekiah’s palace) in Jer. xxxii. 9, It should % not be Surprising that Josephus seems to confuse some of the / events of Jehoiakim’s re with those of Zedekiah’s, since the chronology in both Heb. and Gr. texts of Jer. is confused, ¥ e.g. the narrative of Jehoiakim’s reign is resumed after a ΡΣ dealing with that of Zedekiah. Weill understands —/ Ὑ αὐλῆς here the court of the temple, cf. Jer. xxvi. (1xx xxxiii.) 7 ff., but this is unlikely. 4 So txx (v.1. Μειχαίας) ; bibl. Micah. 207 JOSEPHUS τῶν Tore βασιλέων οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ws προφήτης 98 τοῦ θεοῦ τιμῆς ἔτυχε. τούτοις καταπραὔναντες τὸ πλῆθος τοῖς λόγοις ἐρρύσαντο τῆς κατεψηφισμένης αὐτοῦ κολάσεως τὸν “Ἱερεμίαν, ὃς ἁπάσας τὰς αὑτοῦ" προφητείας συγγραψάμενος νηστεύοντος τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἐκκλησιάζοντος ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ μηνὶ ἐνάτῳ τοῦ πέμπτου ἔτους τῆς ᾿Ιωακείμου βασιλείας ἀνέγνω τὴν βίβλον, ἣ ἣν περὶ τῶν μελλόντων συμβήσεσθαι τῇ ales Kal τῷ ναῷ καὶ τοῖς ὄχλοις ἦν συντεταχώς. 94 ἀκούσαντες δ᾽ οἱ ἡγεμόνες λαμβάνουσι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ βιβλίον καὶ κελεύουσιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν γραμ- ματέα Βαροῦχον" ἐκποδὼν αὑτοὺς ποιῆσαι, μή τισι δῆλοι γένωνται, τὸ δὲ βιβλίον αὐτοὶ φέροντες τῷ βασιλεῖ διδόασιν. ὁ δὲ παρόντων αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων ἐκέλευσε τὸν αὑτοῦ “γραμματέα λαβόντα ἀ ἀναγνῶναι. 95 ἀκούσας δὲ τῶν ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ καὶ. ὀργισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς διέρρηξέ τε καὶ βαλὼν εἰς πῦρ ἠφάνισε, ζητηθέντας δὲ τόν τε ἱἹερεμίαν καὶ τὸν ΟΣ Βαροῦχον ἐκέλευσεν. ἀχθῆναι" πρὸς αὐτὸν κολασ σομένους. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν διαφεύγουσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν ὀργήν. 96 (3) Mer’ οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον στρατευόμενον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλέα δέχεται κατὰ δέος" τῶν προειρημένων ὑπὸ τοῦ προφήτου τούτου," οὐδὲν νομίζων πείσεσθαι δεινὸν μήτε" ἀποκλείσας 97 μήτε" πολεμήσας, εἰσελθὼν" δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν" ὁ Βαβυ- 1 Niese: αὐτοῦ codd. E. 3 Bapovyov MSPE. ᾿ ἢ ἀναχθῆναι SPL: adduci Lat. τὸ δέος τὸ παρὰ (τὸ 1. om. L) MSPLY. 5 rovrous M: τούτου ws S 6 μήτε... μήτε Dindorf: μηδὲ dunk? ) vel μὴ... μηδὲ codd.: οὔτε... « οὔτε Εἰ. 7 εἰσελθὼν ΜΙ, Lat.: ἀπελθὼν rell. 8 αὐτὸν ROL?*, 208 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 92-97 the hands of these who were then kings, but had re- ceived honour as prophets of God. With these words they mollified the people and saved Jeremiah from the punishment to which he had been condemned. He then wrote down all his prophecies and, while Jeremiah the people kept a fast and were assembled in the harness beni: in the ninth* month of the fifth year of the οὗ doom reign of Joakeimos, he read the book which he had Ser. xxi. 9 composed concerning the things which were to befall (***"-% the city and the temple and the people. But, when the leaders heard it, they took the book from -him and ‘ordered both him and his scribe Baruch to take themselves off and not let themselves be seen by anyone ; as for the book, they carried it off and gave it to the king. And he, in the presence of his friends, ordered his scribe to take it and read it aloud. But, when he heard what was in the book, the king became angry and destroyed it by tearing it apart and throw- ing it into the fire. Then he ordered that a search be made for both Jeremiah and his scribe Baruch and that they be brought to him for punishment. So then they escaped his wrath.’ (3) But not long after, when the king of Babylonia Jehoiakim brought an army against him, Jéakeimos, in fear of ~ cog by what had been foretold by this prophet, received Nebuchad- him, thinking that he would suffer no harm, as he 2 Kings had neither shut him out nor made war on him. On σῶς entering the city, however, the Babylonian king did xxxvi. ὁ; Ξ Jer, xxii. 18 ες * So Heb. and most txx.mss.; Lxx cod.B 8th. » The form of this last sentence (οὗτοι μὲν οὖν) suggests “Ὁ that the account of their escape has been lost from Josephus’s ὥ text or perhaps was omitted by him because of his doubt 45 .: to the meaning of the bibl. phrase, Jer. xxxyi. (Luxx xliii.) 26, Ὁ “ And the Lord hid them.’’ (Lxx “ and they were hidden ’’). | 209 - JOSEPHUS. λώνιος" οὐκ ἐφύλαξε τὰς πίστεις, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντας τῶν Ἵεροσο- λυμιτῶν ἀ ἀπέκτεινε μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Ιωακείμου, ὃν ἄταφον ἐκέλευσε ῥιφῆναι πρὸ TOV τειχῶν" τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωάχιμον" κατέστησε βασιλέα τῆς 98 χώρας καὶ τῆς πόλεως. τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἀξιώ ματι τρισχιλίους ὄ ὄντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν" αἱ ὥτους αβὼν ἀπήγαγεν εἰς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα. ἐν τούτοις ἦν. καὶ ὁ προφήτης ᾿Ιεζεκίηλος παῖς ὦν. καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον ᾿Ιωάκειμον τὸν βασιλέα κατέσχε. βιώσαντα μὲν ἕξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα δὲ τούτων ἕνδεκα, ὁ δὲ διαδεξάμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν 'βασιλείαν ᾿Ιωάχιμος ἐκ μητρὸς μὲν Νοόστης" ὄνομα πολίτιδος δέ, ἐβασίλευσε μῆνας τρεῖς. ἡμέρας δέκα. 99 (vii. 1) Tov δὲ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων '᾿βασιλέα δόντα τὴν βασιλείαν ᾿Ιωαχίμῳ᾽ παραχρῆμα ἔλαβε δέος" ἔδεισε γὰρ μὴ μνησικακήσας αὐτῷ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ἀναιρέσεως ἀποστήσῃ τὴν χώραν αὐτοῦ" πέμψας τοιγαροῦν δύναμιν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ᾿Ιωάχιμον ἐν τοῖς 1 6 Βαβυλώνιος om. MSPLYV. i 2 Ἰωάκειμον RO Zonaras: Ἰωάκιμον M?: Ἰεχονίαν (infra ζωαχὶμ) L: Ἰεχωνίαν V: Ἰωακεὶμ E: Toachu (infra loachim) at. 3 + αὐτοῦ RO: + αὐτοὺς rell. 4 Νοστῆς M: Νοοστῆς SP: Noos Lat. “ Jose hus, like the rabbis, here connects with the reign } of Jehoiakim the deportation mentioned in Jer. lii. 28, “* This +. is the people whom Nebuchadnezzar carried away captive in the seventh year, three thousand and twenty-three Jews.” No deportation of Jews in the reign of Jehoiakim is then tioned in 2 Kings or 2 Chron, > Cf. Jer. xxii. 19, “δ shall be buried with the fasta of an ass, drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of Jerusalem.” According to 2 Kings Jehoiakim was buried with his fathers, 210 EE ΨΝ ΜΡ EE τ τ ὐρ. a δὰ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 97-99 not keep his pledges but killed the most vigorous and best favoured of the inhabitants of Jerusalem ® to- gether with King Jéakeimos, whom he ordered to be cast out unburied before the walls, and appointed Accession of his son’ Jéachimos 5 as king of the country and the (Joachimos) city. Those in power, three thousand in number,? ἐμ deports- he took captive and carried away to Babylon. Now to Babyion. among them was the prophet Ezekiel, then a boy.? 25° Such, then, was the end that overtook King Jéakei- 2 Chron. mos δὲ the age of thirty-six years’ of which he had τ ἡ reigned eleven, Jdachimos, who succeeded him on the throne, had a mother named Noosté,’ a native of the city, and reigned three months and ten days.” (vii. 1) But after the Babylonian king had given Nebuchad- the kingdom to Jéachimos, a sudden fear seized him, 372° μος, for he was afraid that Joachimos might bear him a oun ie grudge for the killing of his father, and lead his 2 kine.” country to revolt.‘ He therefore sent a force which ™- 10. besieged Jéachimos in Jerusalem. But he, being nothing being said of the manner of his death ; according to 2 Chron. he was carried in chains to Babylon. For rabbinic traditions, harmonizing these differences (which Josephus ignores), see Ginzberg iv. 285. ~¢ Bibl. Jehoiachin ( Y*héydkin), txx 2 Kings Ἰωακείμ (v.l. ᾿Ιωαχείμ), 2 Chron. Ἰεχονίας. e mss. of Josephus have vias in § 229 Ἴεχο in " a5 Cf. note a above. (Possibly the variant, adding αὐτοῦ “his ” in Josephus’s text, is a scribal note indicating that the number is an addition to Scripture made by Josephus.) * Cf. Ezekiel i. 1. “ 7 According to 2 Kings xxiii. 36=2 Chron. xxxvi. 5 Jehoiakim was 25 years old at his accession, added to which -the 11 years of his reign give 388. . _. 9. Bibl. Nehushta (Nehudta’), Lxx Νεσθά, Luc: Νεεσθάν. * So 2 Chron. ; 2 Kings 3 months. . * Nebuchadnezzar’s motive is an unscriptural detail, to which there is a parallel in rabbinic tradition. 211 JOSEPHUS 100 ᾿ἹἹεροσολύμσιξ:- ὁ δὲ φύσει χρηστὸς ὧν καὶ δίκαιος οὐκ ἠξίου τὴν πόλιν κινδυνεύουσαν δι᾽ αὐτὸν περι- ορᾶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπάρας" τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς παραδίδωσι τοῖς πεμφθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Βαβυλωνίου σι ῥα iyo aie) παρ᾽ αὐτῶν λαβὼν ὑπὲρ τοῦ 101 μηδὲν) μήτ᾽ αὐτοὺς παθεῖν μήτε τὴν πόλιν. ὁ is? οὐδ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν" ἡ πίστις ἔμεινεν: οὐ yap, ἐφύλαξεν αὐτὴν ὃ τῶν Βαβολώνίων βϑσιλεθῃ ἀλλὰ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐπέστειλεν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει λαβόντας αἰχμαλώτους νέους τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ γι Nae δεδεμέναως ἄγει πρὸς αὑτόν' (ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι πάντες εἰς μυρίους ὀκτακοσίους api fa δύο) καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάχιμον μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ. τῶν 102 φίλων. τούτους δὴ κομισθέντας πρὸς αὑτὸν εἶχεν ἐν φυλακῇ: τὸν δὲ θεῖον τοῦ ᾿Ιωαχίμου Σαχχίαν" ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα, ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβὼν ἢ “μὴν φυλάξειν αὐτῷ τὴν Keeper καὶ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν μηδὲ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις εὐμοήσεέιν, fs δ 108 (2) Σαχχίας δ᾽ ἣν μὲν ἐτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑνός, ὅτε τὴν ἀρχὴν παν ont ὁμομήτριος μὲν. ἸΙωακείμου 1 ἐπάρας MSPLVE: sumens Lat. 2 ὡς δ᾽ ROSPLYV. 3 οὐδ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν] οὐδενὶ (οὐδ᾽ evi SP) αὐτῶν ROSPLY. | 4 Niese: αὐτὸν codd. ᾿ Σεδεκίαν L?V kat." * According to Scripture Jehoiachin was a eiiled | king like his father, but rabbinic tradition states that through / suffering he became pious. > Unscriptural details ; bibl. (2 Kings) “ And Jehoiachin, the king of Judah, went out to the king of Babylon, he and 212 er — JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 100-103 kind and just,* did not think it right to suffer the city to be endangered on his account, and removed his mother and his relatives and delivered them to the commanders sent by the Babylonian king, after receiving their oath that neither these nor the city should suffer any harm.” But their pledge was not kept for even as long as a year,’ for the Babylonian king did not observe it, but commanded his men to take captive all the young men and craftsmen in the city and bring them in chains to him—these came to ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two in 414 v —as well as Jéachimos with his mother and friends. And, when they had been brought to him, he kept Accession of them under guard, and appointed Jéachimos’s uncle (eabohion) Sacchias * as king, after receiving his oath that he 2 Kings | would surely keep the country for him and attempt 2 Chron. no uprising nor show friendliness to the Egyptians. “= 10. _(2) Now Sacchias was twenty-one years old when Zedekiah is he took over royal power, and he was a brother of Jocmiat” his mother and his servants and his princes and his eunuchs (A.V. “ officers *’), and the king of Babylon took him in the eighth year of his reign.” ¢ Variant “‘ was not kept to any of them.” The detail “ for even a year” is based on 2 Chron. xxxvi. 10 “ at the return of the year (A.V. “ when the year was expired ”’) King Nebuchadnezzar sent and brought him to Babylon,” etc. 4 According to 2 Kings xxiv. 14-16 Nebuchadnezzar took 10,000 captives, as well as the king, his family and retinue, and 8000 warriors and craftsmen, that is more than 18,000 in all. Josephus here combines the 10,000 first mentioned with the 832-captives, mentioned in Jer. lii. 29, who were taken in the 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar (that is, in the reign of Zedekiah, not Jehoiachin). Josephus omits the carrying off of the treasures of temple and palace, 2 Kings xxiv. 13. ¥ ¢ Bibl. Zedekiah (Sidgiydhi), txx Σεδεκία (v.1. -ias). 7 Scripture (2 Chron.) says merely that Nebuchadnezzar “ made him swear by God.” VOL. VI H 213 JOSEPHUS a > ~ > ~ ~ A , A ~ / τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, τῶν δὲ δικαίων Kat τοῦ δέοντος ὑπερόπτης: καὶ γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἦσαν ἀσεβεῖς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ὁ πᾶς ὄχλος ἐπ᾽ ἐξουσίας 104 ὕβριζεν ἃ ἤθελεν: διὸ καὶ ὁ προφήτης “Ἱερεμίας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθὼν πολλάκις ἐμαρτύρατο, κελεύων τὰς μὲν ἄλλας ἀσεβείας καὶ παρανομίας κατα- λιπεῖν, προνοεῖν δὲ τοῦ δικαίου, καὶ μήτε τοῖς ἡγεμόσι, τῷ εἶναι" ἐν αὐτοῖς πονηρούς, προσανέχειν μήτε τοῖς ψευδοπροφήταις ἀπατῶσιν αὐτὸν πεπι- στευκέναι, ὡς οὐκέτι πολεμήσει τὴν πόλιν ὁ Βαβυ- λώνιος καὶ ὡς Αἰγύπτιοι στρατεύσουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν Α ᾽ὔ ~ \ > > ~ / »9Q> Kal νικήσουσι' ταῦτα yap οὐκ ἀληθῆ λέγειν οὐδ 105 οὕτως ὀφείλοντα γενέσθαι. ὁ δὲ Σαχχίας ἐφ᾽ ὅσον μὲν ἤκουσε τοῦ προφήτου ταῦτα λέγοντος ἐπείθετο αὐτῷ καὶ συνήνει' πᾶσιν ὡς ἀληθεύουσι καὶ συμ- 5 ΕΒ οἱ , " ὃ / tf] 6 δὲ aA ν᾽ αὐτῷ πεπιστευκέναι" διέφθειραν" δὲ πάλιν > ‘ ε , \ ~ > A ~ ~ 4 αὐτὸν οἱ φίλοι καὶ διῆγον ἀπὸ τῶν τοῦ προφήτου A -“ ” /, A ΔΨ , 106 πρὸς ἅπερ ἤθελον. προεφήτευσε δὲ καὶ Ἰεζεκίηλος ἐν Βαβυλῶνι τὰς μελλούσας τῷ λαῷ συμφορὰς καὶ γράψας" ταῦτα ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. ταῖς δὲ προφητείαις αὐτῶν Σαχχίας ἠπίστησεν ἐκ τοιαύτης 1 of κατὰ τὴν ed, pr.: τὴν codd, : ane τὴν conj. Niese, ὁ δξύβριζεν RO 3 τῷ εἶναι] εἶναι yap MSPLV Exe. 4 Bekker: συνήδει codd. 5 συμφέρειν MSP Exe.: quasi prodesset Lat. p quasi p Me διέφθειρον RO. 7 O Zonaras: ἀκούσας rell.: om. E Lat. @ j,e. Jehoiachin’s uncle; so Heb. and Luc. 2 Kings and txx 2 Chron.; according to txx 2 Kings Zedekiah was Jehoiachin’s son; according to Heb. 2 Chron. he was Jehoiachin’s brother. > Josephus forgets that he has already (§ 83) given Jehoiakim’s mother’s name as Zabudah (bibl. Zebudah), 214 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 103-106 Jéakeimos * by the same mother,’ but he was con- ποῖ to rebel temptuous of justice and duty,’ for those of his own Nebuchad. age about him were impious, and the entire multi- )o, tude had licence to act as outrageously as it pleased.? xxiv. 18; It was for this reason that the prophet Jeremiah ἔων Ἢ; came to him and solemnly * protested, bidding him Jer. xxxvi. leave off his various impieties and lawless acts, and _ i watch over justice and neither pay heed to the leaders, because there were wicked men among them, nor put faith in the false prophets who were deceiving him by saying that the Babylonian king would never again make war on the city and that the Egyptians would take the field against the Babylonian king and conquer him. For in this, he said, they spoke falsely and these things were not to be. Now Sacchias, so long as he listened to the prophet saying these things, believed him and agreed to everything as true and that it was to his interest to have faith in him; but his friends once more corrupted him and, winning him away from the prophet, led him wherever they pleased. Ezekiel too, in Babylon, prophesied the misfortunes that were to befall the people and wrote them down and sent them to Jerusalem. But Sacchias disbelieved their prophecies for the following reason.’ Although while according to 2 Kings Zedekiah’s mother’s name was Hamutal. He confuses Jehoiakim with his brother Jehoahaz whose mother’s name (cf. 8 81 -- 3 Kings xxiii. 31) was the same as Zedekiah’s mother’s. © Cf. § 120 note ec. 4 Cf-2 Chron. xxxvi. 14, “ And also the chiefs of the priests (txx “‘ the nobles and the priests”) and the people tra very much,” etc. “3 “frequently ” ; but πολλάκις here seems to have the force of πολλά which, with verbs of protesting, etc., means 5 “solemnly” in Jos. ? This motivation is, of course, an invention of Josephus. 215 JOSEPHUS ἰἐλ1} αἰτίας" τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα συμφωνοῦντας τοὺς προφήτας ἀλλήλοις" εἰπεῖν συνέβη, ὡς ἥ τε πόλις ἁλώσεται καὶ Σαχχίας αὐτὸς αἰχμάλωτος. ἔσται, διεφώνησε δὲ ᾿Ιεζεκίηλος εἰπὼν οὐκ ὄψεσθαι Βαβυ- λῶνα τὸν Σαχχίαν τοῦ Ἱερεμίου φάσκοντος αὐτῷ ὅτι δεδεμένον αὐτὸν 6 Βαβυλώνιος ἄξει βασιλεύς. 107 καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ταὐτὸν αὐτοὺς ἑκατέρους. λέγειν καὶ περὶ ὧν συμφωνεῖν ἐδόκουν ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνα ἀληθῆ λέγουσι “καταγνοὺς ἠπίστησε," καίτοι πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὰς προφητείας ἀπήντησεν, ἅπερ aes τερον δηλώσομεν. 108 (8) Τὴν συμμαχίαν δὲ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Βαβυ- λωνίους € ἐπ᾽ ἔτη ὀκτὼ κατασχὼν διέλυσε τὰς πρὸς αὐτοὺς πίστεις καὶ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις προστίθεται, καταλύσειν τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους ἐλπίσας, εἰ μετ᾽ 109 ἐκείνων γένοιτο. μαθὼν δὲ τοῦτο ὁ τῶν Βαβυ- λωνίων βασιλεὺς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν χώραν κακώσας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ φρούρια λαβὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἧκε τὴν τῶν ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν πολι- 110 ορκήσων αὐτήν. ὁ δ᾽ Αἰγύπτιος ἀκούσας ἐν οἷς ἐστιν ὁ σύμμαχος αὐτοῦ Σαχχίας, ἀναλαβὼν πολλὴν δύναμιν. ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ‘lovdaiay ὡς λύσων τὴν πολιορκίαν. ὁ δὲ Βαβυλώνιος ἀφίσταται τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων, ἀπαντήσας δὲ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις καὶ > συμφωνοῦντας .. ἀλλήλοις S: συμφωνοῦντα R: ἀλήλος morte τοὺς προφήτας O: hb a τοῖς προφήταις ἀλλή : συμφωνοῦντας τοϊς προφήταις ἀλλήλοις σύμφωνα τοὺς aore ἀλλήλοις LV: consone a prophetis Lat. > καταγνοὺς ἠπίστησε Hudson: καταγνοὺς SP: γνοὺς ROMLYV: ἠπίστησε * Cocceji: ἃ M: αἱ rell.: ἂν Hudson, 4 Coccesi: ἐγένοντο codd.: om. Lat. 216 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 106-110 in all other respects it appeared that the prophets Ezek. xii.13; agreed with each other in what they said, namely 7 a ah that the city would be taken and Sacchias himself be made captive, still Ezekiel, in saying that Sacchias would not see Babylon, differed from Jeremiah who told him that the king of Babylon would take him there in chains. And, because they did not both ) say the same thing, he condemned as untrue even | their statements about those things in which they ¥ seemed to agree, and refused to believe them.” j Nevertheless everything happened to him in accord- ance with their prophecies, as we shall show in a _ more fitting place.¢ = (3) After maintaining his. alliance with the Baby- Zedekiah’s lonians for eight years, Sacchias broke his treaty sari — with them and went over to the Egyptians, hoping sgainst to overthrow the Babylonians if he joined the other 2 king. side. And, when the Babylonian king heard of ΤΟΣ this, he marched against him and, after ravaging his : country and taking his fortresses, he came against the city of Jerusalem itself to besiege it. But, when % Jer. the Egyptian king heard of the plight of his ally ἀκα αἰ. 5), Sacchias, he raised a large force and came to Judaea _ to end the siege. Thereupon the Babylonian king _ left Jerusalem and went to meet the Egyptians and, “5 Ezek. xii. 13“. . . and I will bring him to Babylon, _ to the land of the Chaldaeans, yet shall he not see it though he shall die there”; Jer. xxxiv. 3 ‘“*‘ And thou shalt not __ escape out of his hand but shalt surely be taken and delivered into his hand; and thine eyes shall behold the king of Babylon and thy mouth shall speak to his mouth and thou shalt come to Babylon.” , Ὁ Text slightly uncertain. aed ii τ © § 141, where the two passages are harmonized. 4 Text slightly uncertain. fa * 217 111 112 113 114 JOSEPHUS συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς TH μάχῃ νικᾷ καὶ τρεψάμενος > A > \ > a 4 ~ a « αὐτοὺς εἰς φυγὴν ἐξ ὅλης διώκει τῆς Συρίας. ὡς > ἀνεχώρησεν ὁ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλεὺς ἀπὸ - « ,ὔ > / « -“ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων, ἐξηπάτησαν οἱ ψευδοπροφῆται τὸν Σαχχίαν λέγοντες οὔτε τὸν Βαβυλώνιον ἔτι αὐτὸν πολεμήσειν καὶ τοὺς ὁμοφύλους, ots ἀνα- στήσειεν' ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας εἰς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα, μετὰ πάντων ἥξειν τῶν τοῦ ναοῦ σκευῶν, ὧν ἐσύλη- σεν ὃ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τοῦ νεώ. τἀναντία δὲ τούτων ἰκιτ; aA eet Ὁ , , ε καὶ ἀληθῆ παρελθὼν" “Ἱερεμίας προεφήτευσεν, ὡς ποιοῦσι μὲν κακῶς καὶ ἐξαπατῶσι τὸν βασιλέα, A A ~ > , γον > a > m” παρὰ δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ὄφελος, ἀλλὰ νικήσας αὐτοὺς ὁ Βαβυλώνιος ἐπιστρατεύ- σειν εἰς τὰ ἹΙεροσόλυμα μέλλει, καὶ πολιορκήσει τε καὶ τῷ λιμῷ διαφθερεῖ τὸν δῆμον, καὶ τοὺς περι- λ / > aA ’ ᾿' \ \ φι | ὃ ειἰφθέντας αἰχμαλώτους ἄξει, καὶ τὰς οὐσίας δι- αρπάσει, καὶ τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πλοῦτον ἐκφορήσας ἔτι καὶ αὐτὸν ἐμπρήσει καὶ κατασκάψει τὴν πόλιν, “καὶ δουλεύσομεν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτοῦ > 3 ¢ / , se ay , ~ ἐπ᾽ ἔτη ἑβδομήκοντα. παύσουσι δ᾽ ἡμᾶς τότε τῆς ¢ 34 9a , , \ a ὑπ᾽" αὐτοῖς δουλείας Πέρσαι τε καὶ Μῆδοι λ : αὶ Β λ , 722 ἪΡ > ,ὔ ὃ > καταλύσαντες Βαβυλωνίους, ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰς τήνδε ἀπο- ‘ A λυθέντες οἰκοδομήσομεν τὸν ναὸν πάλιν καὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα καταστήσομεν.᾽ ταῦτα λέγων 6 ‘lepe- ~ ¢ pias ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν πλειόνων ἐπιστεύετο, οἱ δὲ ἡγεμόνες καὶ οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ὡς ἐξεστηκότα τῶν φρενῶν 1 ods ἀναστήσειεν ex Lat. Niese: οὔτε ἀναστήσειν codd. 2 Naber: δὲ (δ᾽ LV) ἥξειν codd. : dig Niese. 42 επ 3 προελθὼν RO. > ROLVE. @ The defeat of the Egyptians is an addition to Scripture, but probably based on Jer. xxxvii. 7, “.. . Behold, Pharaoh’s army, which is come to help you, shall return to Egypt,” etc. 218 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 110-114 encountering them in battle, defeated and put them to flight and drove them out of the whole of Syria.* Now, when the Babylonian king withdrew from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Sacchias by saying that the Babylonian king would not make war on him again and that his countrymen, whom the king had removed? from their own land to Babylonia, should come back with all the vessels of the temple, of which the king had despoiled it. But Jeremiah Jeremiah came forward and prophesied the truth, which was POMS! the contrary of this, namely that they were doing Jerusalem. the king a wrong and deceiving him; and that no7(ixx good would come to them from the Egyptians, but *#’- Ὁ). that, when the Babylonian king had defeated them, he would lead an army against Jerusalem and besiege it and destroy the people by famine, carry off the survivors into captivity, plunder their possessions and, after carrying off the wealth in the temple, burn this itself and raze the city, “ and we shall be slaves to The him and his descendants for seventy years. At that pom ah time, by overthrowing the Babylonians, the Persians yer’. and Medes will free us from servitude to them, Je. αὶ 1 and, when we have been sent back by them to this ~ axavi. land, we shall once more build the temple and re- store Jerusalem.”* In saying these things Jeremiah was believed by most of the people, but their leaders and the impious men ridiculed him as though he » Emended text; mss. “‘and would not remove his countrymen. : © The return of the vessels is an unscriptural detail. 4 The Medes and Persians are not mentioned in the pro- “ phecy of Jeremiah ; this detail is probably based on 2 Chron. xxxvi. 20, “... and they were servants to him [Nebu- ] and his sons until the reign of the kingdom of chadnezzar _ Persia’’ (xxx “‘ the Medes ”’). 219 ~ JOSEPHUS αὐτὸν οὕτως ἐξεφαύλιζον. δόξαν δὲ αὐτῷ mov" εἰς \ (ὃ / 0 λ / 7A 6 \ θ τὴν πατρίδα παραγενέσθα λεγομένην ᾿Αναθὼ σταδίους δ᾽ ἀπέχουσαν τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων εἴκοσι, συντυχὼν κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν τῶν ἀρχόντων τις συλ- λαβὼν κατέσχε, συκοφαντῶν ὡς πρὸς τοὺς Βαβυ- / ~ “a ~ 115 Awviovs αὐτομολοῦντα. ὁ δὲ ψευδῆ μὲν ἐκεῖνον a » eA > / > ~ Ul > ***% ἔλεγεν αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ, βαδίζειν δ᾽ αὑτὸν Μ ? ‘ " ε > > ‘ > \ ἔφασκεν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα. ὁ δ᾽ ov πεισθεὶς ἀλλὰ λαβὼν" αὐτὸν ἤγαγεν εἰς δίκην πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας, ὑφ᾽ ὧν πᾶσαν αἰκίαν καὶ βασάνους ὑπομείνας ἐφυλάττετο πρὸς τιμωρίαν. καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα διῆγεν οὕτως, ἀδίκως πάσχων τὰ προειρημένα. 116 (4) ἔτει δ᾽ ἐνάτῳ τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλεΐας καὶ ἡμέρᾳ δεκάτῃ τοῦ δεκάτου μηνὸς στρατεύει τὸ δεύτερον ὃ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰ “lepo- σόλυμα καὶ προσκαθίσας αὐτῇ μῆνας ὀκτωκαίδεκα μετὰ πάσης πολιορκεῖ φιλοτιμίας. συνεπέθετο δὲ εἰς ταὐτὸ πολιορκουμένοις τοῖς Ἱἱεροσολύμοις δύο τὰ μέγιστα τῶν παθῶν, λιμὸς καὶ φθορὰ λοιμική, 1 + καὶ RO. | 5. συλλαβὼν MSPLV: vinctum Lat. — * Scripture at this point has ‘ the land of Benjamin,” but cf. Jer. i. 1, ‘“‘ The words of Jeremiah, the son of Hilkiah, of the priests who were in Anathoth in the land of Benjamin.” > About 2} miles (an unscriptural detail, of course). On the supposed site ‘ Anata’ ef. Basor nr. 63, Oct. 1936, pp. 22 ff. ¢ Bibl. “ in the gate of Benjamin ”’ (in Jerusclema)! 4 Heb. ‘“‘ master of the watch” (A.V. “ captain of the ward ”’), txx “a man with whom he lodged.” His name is given in Scripture as Irijah ( Yir’iyah). ¢ This last detail is unscriptural. , * So xxx translates Heb. sdrim (A.V. “ princes”); ef. § 129 note ὁ. Pres σ Or (punctuating differently) ‘‘ he remained, so unjustly suffering,” etc. Φ ; 220 1 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 114-116 were out of his mind. Now once, when he had de- Jeremiah is cided to go to his native place, called Anathoth,? faces which is twenty stades’ distant from Jerusalem, "son. there met him on the road “ one of the magistrates,? 12 (ixx xliv. who seized and held him, falsely charging him with '» deserting to the Babylonians. But Jeremiah said that he was bringing a false accusation against him and asserted that he was travelling to his home.* The other, however, was not convinced and took him and brought him to trial before the magistrates’ at whose hands he suffered every form of indignity and ill-treatment and was kept under guard for punish- ment. And for some time he remained thus, suffer- ing the unjust treatment’ here described. (4) In the ninth year of the reign of Sacchias, on Nebuchad- the tenth day” of the tenth month? the king of ).0°" Babylon marched a second time‘ against Jerusalem 4 agg and, encamping before it, besieged it with the utmost xv. xv. τς Jer. energy for eighteen months.* And, as the inhabit- 72), ἢ ants of Jerusalem were under siege, they were lii. 4. attacked by two of the greatest of calamities, famine and ence,’ which fell upon them severely. ; * So Heb. and txx Jer. lii. and Heb. 2 Kings; the day of _ the month is: not given in Heb. Jer. xxxix. or in txx Jer. χχχῖχ. (xlvi.) and 2 Kings. ἡ * So Heb. in all passages and most ὕχχ ss. in 2 Kings (v.ll. 12th month, 2nd month); xxx Jer. lii. 9th month. ᾽ ἘἘβοδο σαι forgets that he has already written about two 7) paigns against Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, the first L in in Jeholakim 5 reign (§ 96), the second in Jehoiachin’s reign J scar ee Scripture states that the siege lasted from the 10th month of Zedekiah’s 9th year to the 4th month of his 11th year (which equals 18 months). * Both famine and pestilence are mentioned in Jer. xxxviii. _ 2, only the famine in Jer. lii. and 2 Kings. 221 JOSEPHUS 117 ἐνσκήψαντα “σφοδρῶς. ἐν δὲ τῇ εἱρκτῇ τυγχάνων ὁ προφήτης Ἱερεμίας οὐχ ἡσύχαζεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεκράγει καὶ ἐκήρυσσε παραινῶν τῷ πλήθει δέξασθαι τὸν Βαβυλώνιον ἀνοίξαντας τὰς 'πύλας- σωθήσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς πανοικὶ τοῦτο πράξαντας, εἰ δὲ μή, δια- 118 φθαρήσεσθαι. προύλεγεν δ᾽ ὡς εἰ μὲν ἐπιμένοι τις ἐν τῇ πόλει πάντως ἀπολεῖται θατέρῳ ἢ λιμῷ δαπανηθεὶς ἢ ἢ σιδήρῳ τῷ τῶν πολεμίων, εἰ δὲ φύγοι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, διαδράσεται τὸν θάνατον. 119 οὐδὲ" ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ" ὄντες τοῖς δεινοῖς ἐπίστευον οἵ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούοντες τῶν ἡγεμόνων," ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ὀργῆς ἀπήγγελλον ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ κατ- ηγοροῦντες ἠξίουν" κτεῖναι τὸν προφήτην ὡς μεμη- νότα καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν προκατακλῶντα καὶ ταῖς τῶν χειρόνων καταγγελίαις τὸ πρόθυμον ἐκλύοντα τοῦ πλήθους" ἕτοιμον γὰρ εἶναι αὐτὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς πατρίδος κινδυνεῦσαι," ὁ δὲ παρήνει᾽ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους φεύγειν, ἁλώσεσθαι λέγων τὴν πόλιν καὶ πάντας" ἀπολεῖσθαι. 120 (5) ὋὉ δὲ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὸ χρηστότητος καὶ δικαιοσύνης οὐδὲν ἰδίᾳ παρωξύνθη, ἵ ἵνα δὲ μὴ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἀπεχθάνηται παρὰ τοιοῦτον καιρὸν ἀντιπράττων αὐτῶν τῇ προαιρέσει, τὸν «προφήτην 121 ἐφῆκεν αὐτοῖς ποιεῖν ὅτι ἂν θέλωσιν. οἷ᾽ δὲ τοῦτο 1 οὐδὲ] καὶ οἱ μὲν οὐδὲ (οὐδ᾽ LV) SPLV: καὶ οἱ μὲν τοῦ πλήθους οὐκ * δὲ om. MSP: τοῦ πλήθους LV. 3 of om. LV. τῶν ἡγεμόνων οἱ δὲ (δ᾽ E) ἡγεμόνες LVE. «ἤρου ex Lat. (poscebant) Niese: καὶ ἠτιῶντο ROM: κατῃτιῶντο rell. 6 Niese: κινδυνεύσειν SPLV: pugnare Lat.: om. ROM. 7 ex Lat. Niese: ἀπειλεῖ codd. 8 πάντως MSPLV. 9. ὡς ROM. 222 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 117-121 The prophet Jeremiah, however, who was in prison, Jeremiah _ did not remain quiet but cried his message aloud (7 Ps" _ and urged the people to open the gates and admit surrender. the Babylonian king ; for, he said, if they did so, Me oa they would be saved together with their families, 1). _ but if not, they would be destroyed. He also fore- _ told that anyone who remained in the city would certainly perish in one of two ways, being made an end of either by famine or by the sword of the enemy, ᾿ς but that anyone who fled to the enemy would escape _ death. Nevertheless not even though they were in 4 _ these straits did those of the leaders who heard | his words believe him, but went in anger and re- / ported them to the king and, denouncing Jeremiah, _ asked him to put the prophet to death asa madman ~¥ __ who was breaking down their spirit beforehand and | : by his predictions of disaster was weakening the | ardour of the people, who, they said, were ready J to risk their lives for him and their country, while the prophet was urging them? to flee to the enemy, saying that the city would be taken and they would all? perish. (5) Now the king himself, because of his goodness Zedekiah and sense of justice,” was in no way personally re- FUCss*,_ sentful but, in order not to incur the hostility of trom prison. the leaders by opposing their wishes at such a time, 5 (xx xiv.” he gave them leave to do as they liked with the »- ΝΎ“ r «παρ δ a ELT ST * Emended text; mss. “* threatened.” P > Variant “ certainly.” i * Cf. § 103 where Josephus, in agreement with Scripture, describes Zedekiah as a wicked king. According to rabbinic “ tradition ‘‘ he was so good and pious that for his sake God relinquished his purpose of returning the world to its original as a punishment for the evil-doing of a wicked genera- tion ” (Ginzberg iv. 294). 223 JOSEPHUS i ἐφέντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως εὐθὺς εἰς. τὴν εἱρκτὴν εἰσελθόντες καὶ παραλαβόντες αὐτὸν εἴς τινα λάκκον βορβόρου πλήρη καθίμησαν, ὅπως ἰδίῳ θανάτῳ πνιγεὶς ἀποθάνῃ. δ δὲ πρὸ" τοῦ αὐχένος ὑπὸ τοῦ 122 πηλοῦ" περισχεθεὶς ἐ ἐν τούτοις ἦν. τῶν δ᾽ οἰκετῶν τις τοῦ } βασιλέως ἐ ἐν τιμῇ τυγχάνων Αἰθίοψ τὸ γένος τὸ περὶ τὸν προφήτην πάθος ἀπήγγειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ, φάσκων οὐκ ὀρθῶς ταῦτα τοὺς φίλους. καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτοῦ πεποιηκέναι καταποντίσαντας εἰς βόρβορον τὸν προφήτην καὶ τοῦ διὰ τῶν δεσμῶν ανάτου πικρότερον οὕτως ἐσόμενον ἐπινοήσαντας 123 κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ μετα- νοήσας ἐπὶ τῷ παραδοῦναι τὸν προφήτην τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐκέλευσε τὸν Αἰθίοπα τριάκοντα. τῶν βασιλικῶν παραλαβόντα καὶ σχοινία καὶ πᾶν ὃ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ προφήτου σωτηρίαν" ἐπινοεῖν" χρήσιμον μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀνελκύσαι τὸν “Ἱερεμίαν. ὁ δ᾽ Αἰθίοψ παραλαβὼν ods ἐπετάγη ἀνέσπασεν ἐκ τοῦ ar yo τὸν προφήτην καὶ διαφῆκεν ἀφύλακτον. 124 (6) Μεταπεμψαμένου δ᾽ αὐτὸν κρύφα τοῦ βασι- λέως καὶ τί δύναται φράζειν αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα σημαίνειν ἐρομένου, ἔ ἔχειν μὲν ἔλεγεν, οὐ πιστευθήσεσθαι δ᾽ εἰπὼν οὐδὲ παραινέσας : usque ad Lat.: πρὸς Cocceji: ἀπὸ Niese. ex Lat. Cocceji: πλήθους codd. E. 8 Ernesti: ἐν codd. 4 τὴν. « - σωτηρίαν ed. pr.: τῇ . . . σωτηρίᾳ codd. 5 ἐπινοεῖ MSP. @ Lit. “ die by his own death.” > Emended text; the ms. reading, “ held fast by the ——> multitude,” is obviously corrupt. ¢ Josephus, unlike the txx, takes the Heb. Ebed-melech (“servant of the king ’’) as a noun phrase instead of a 224 OO OOS Se lL er eee Orr eC JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 121-124 t. As soon as the king had given them this leave, they went into the prison, took him away and let him down by ropes into a pit full of mud in order that he might suffocate and die by his own hand, as it were. And so he remained there, held fast in the mud” up to his neck. But one of the king’s servants,° an Ethiopian by race, who enjoyed his favour, reported the sad plight of the prophet to the king and argued that his friends and the leaders had done wrong to sink the prophet in mud and devise for him a death that would be so much more i than one by imprisonment in chains. When the king heard this, he repented of having delivered the prophet to the leaders, and ordered the Ethiopian to take thirty of the king’s men with ropes and what- ever he might think of use® in rescuing the prophet, and draw up Jeremiah with all haste. So the Ethiopian took the men as instructed and pulled the prophet up out of the mud and released him from confinement.’ (6) Now, when the king sent for him secretly and Zedekiah asked him what message he could give him from God perce A and what course he could indicate in the present Jeremiah. circumstances, the prophet replied that he had some- 14 (cxx xiv. thing to say but would not be believed if he spoke ‘* rsonal name. Scripture adds that he was a eunuch (Lxx, wever, omits this detail). 4 Amplification. In Scripture the Ethiopian says merely that the nobles have done wrong to leave Jeremiah to starve. * According to Scripture the king does not instruct the Ethiopian how to release Jeremiah, but the Ethiopian takes “ old cast clouts and old rags ” and lets them down to Jere- miah in order that he may put them under his armpits when he is drawn up. 7 Bibl. “ And Jeremiah remained in the court of the 2 . 225 JOSEPHUS ἀκουσθήσεσθαι, “᾿ ἀλλὰ τί δή pe’ κακὸν" εἰργα- σμένον ἀπολέσαι διέγνωσαν οἱ σοὶ φίλοι, φησί, ae \ ~ ~ > « ‘ , 3). ΔΩ 2 +A καὶ ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν ot τὸν Βαβυλώνιον οὐκέθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐπιστρατεύσειν᾽, φάσκοντες καὶ ἀπατῶντες ὑμᾶς; > ~ A ~ A > / ᾽ ~ /, εὐλαβοῦμαι Se viv ye τὴν ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν, μή με ’ / >”? - 4 ,ὔ ως 125 κατακρίνῃς θανάτῳ. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ὅρκους αὐτῷ δόντος ὡς οὔτε αὐτὸς αὐτὸν ἀναιρήσει οὔτε τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐκδώσει, θαρσήσας τῇ δεδομένῃ" πίστει συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν a / ~ t 7 A A ‘ > > ~ 126 τοῖς Βαβυλωνίοις- ταῦτα δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν δι᾿ αὐτοῦ 7 ” ΝΜ , 4 ‘ προφητεύειν ἔλεγεν, εἴ ye βούλεται σώζεσθαι Kai τὸν ἐφεστῶτα κίνδυνον διαφυγεῖν καὶ μήτε τὴν πόλιν εἰς ἔδαφος πεσεῖν, μήτε τὸν ναὸν ἐμπρη- σθῆναι: μὴ πεισθέντα" γὰρ αὐτὸν τούτων παραίτιον ~ a A ~ af ἔσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν τοῖς πολίταις Kal αὑτῷ πανοικὶ “- - ε \ Fo tale , ta \ 127 τῆς συμφορᾶς. ὁ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας βούλεσθαι μὲν αὐτὸς ἔφη ποιεῖν ἃ παραινεῖ καὶ λέγει συνοίσειν > ~ , / A A > / αὐτῷ γινόμενα, δεδιέναι δὲ τοὺς αὐτομολήσαντας ~ ε , ‘ A , \ τῶν ὁμοφύλων πρὸς τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους, μὴ δια- Α e 9 > lal - -“ “ 128 βληθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ κολασθῇ. παρε- θάρσυνε δὲ αὐτὸν 6 προφήτης καὶ μάτην ὑπονοεῖν τὴν τιμωρίαν ἔλεγεν: οὐδενὸς γὰρ κακοῦ πειραθή- σεσθαι παραδόντα" τοῖς Βαβυλωνίοις οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸν 1 ἀλλὰ τί δή με Naber: ἀλλ᾽ ὡς δὴ μέγα Μ: ἀλλὰ δὴ μέγα RO: ἀλλὰ τί δὴ μέγα SPV: ἀλλὰ τὸ δὴ μέγα L. 2 κακόν τι ROM. 3 ex Lat. Hudson: ἐπιστρατεύειν codd. 4 ex Lat. Niese: λεγομένῃ codd. 5 ἐμπρησθῆναι: μὴ πεισθέντα ex seqq. in Lat. (quod si non fieret) Hudson: ἐμπρησθέντα codd.: ἐμπρησθῆναι E: con- cremari Lat. ὁ traderet civitatem Lat. 226 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 124-128 nor would his advice be listened to. “ But what wrong have I done,” * he asked, “ that your friends have determined to destroy me, and where now are those who asserted that the Babylonian king would not march against us again, and so deceived you ?? I am, indeed, afraid now to speak the truth lest you condemn me to death.” But, as the king gave him his oath that he himself would neither put him to death nor deliver him to the leaders, he was en- couraged by the pledge thus given® and advised him to surrender the city to the Babylonians. This, he said, God prophesied to the king through him, if, indeed, he wished to be saved and to escape the impending danger and not have the city brought down to the ground and the temple burned; for, if he disobeyed (this warning),? he would be the cause of these calamities to the inhabitants of the city and of the disaster to himself and all his house. The king, upon hearing this, said that he himself wished to do what Jeremiah advised and what he said it would be to his interest to have done, but that he was afraid of those who had deserted to the Baby- lonians, for he might be denounced by them to the king and punished. The prophet, however, bade him take courage, and said that his apprehension of punishment was groundless, for he should suffer no harm by surrendering to the Babylonians, neither * Emended text; the best ms. reading, ““ But what great ὩΣ, pee (1) done ,” omits the subject (ye). ‘ge is reference to the false prophets is an addition to pture. ¢ Emended text; mss. “‘ spoken.” 4 The words “for if he disobeyed’ are conjecturally supplied from the Lat. by Hudson. Niese suspects a lacuna after “‘ burned.” 227 JOSEPHUS οὔτε τὰ τέκνα οὔτε τὰς γυναῖκας, μενεῖν' δὲ Kal τὸν 129 ναὸν ἅπαθῆ. καὶ τὸν μὲν ἱἹερεμίαν ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπέλυσε, προστάξας αὐτῷ πρὸς μηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν τὰ δόξαντ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, εἰ μαθόντες αὐτὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μετάπεμπτον γεγονέναι πυνθάνονται τί κληθεὶς εἴποι πρὸς αὐτόν, φράζειν τι τούτων, ἀλλὰ σκήπτε- σθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὅτι δεηθείη μὴ ἐν δεσμῷ 130 τυγχάνειν καὶ φυλακῇ. καὶ δὴ τοῦτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔλεγεν. ἐπυνθάνοντο γὰρ ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν προ- φήτην τί περὶ αὐτῶν ἀφίκοιτο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα σκήπτεσθαι." ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἐλέχθη ὃ 1381 (viii. 1) Τῆς δὲ πολιορκίας τῶν ‘lepocodAvpwv ὁ Βαβυλώνιος ἐντεταμένως σφόδρα καὶ προθύμως εἴχετο: πύργους τε γὰρ μεγάλων οἰκοδομήσας χωμάτων, ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνεῖργε τοὺς τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐφεστῶτας, καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τὸν κύκλον ὅλον ἤγειρε 132 χώματα τοῖς τείχεσι τὸ ὕψος ἴσα. καρτερῶς δὲ" καὶ προθύμως ἔφερον οἱ ἐντὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν" ἔκαμνον γὰρ οὔτε πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν οὔτε πρὸς τὴν νόσον τὴν λοιμικήν, ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἔνδον ὑπὸ τούτων ἐλαυνόμενοι τῶν παθῶν, τὰς ψυχὰς ἔρρωντο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, μηδὲ" πρὸς τὰς ἐπινοίας τῶν ἐχθρῶν — καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα καταπληττόμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντι- μηχανήματα πρὸς πάντα τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἀντ- 133 επινοοῦντες" ὡς εἶναι τὸν ὅλον ἀγῶνα καὶ τοῖς Βαβυλωνίοις καὶ τοῖς Ἱἱεροσολυμίταις τῆς ὀξύτητος 1 Dindorf: μένειν codd. ἘΝ. 2 σκέπτεσθαι LV. 8 sunt gesta Lat.: ἐπράχθη conj. Hudson: συνηνέχθη Niese. 4 re ROLV. 5 Dindorf: μήτε codd. ¢ The temple is not mentioned at this point (Jer. xxxviii. 17) in Scripture. 228 Me Tre eae ae Oe ey AN ee yee ee a a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 128-133 he himself nor his children nor his wives, and that the temple, moreover, should remain unharmed.‘ And so, after Jeremiah had spoken in this way, the king dismissed him, ordering him not to divulge to any of the citizens what they had decided on and not even to say anything about these matters to the leaders? if they should learn that he had been sum- _ moned by the king and should ask what Jeremiah had said to him when he was called, but should pre- tend to them that he had pleaded not to be kept in _ chains and under guard. And this, in fact, was what _ he did tell them. For they came to the prophet _ and asked what kind of story he had made up about _ them* when he came to the king. This, then, is what was said.4 (viii. 1) Now the Babylonian king applied himself The Jews very strenuously and zealously to the siege of Jeru- 02%... salem; he built towers on great earthworks from Babylon- which he kept back those stationed on the walls, 2 Kings xxv and also erected round the whole circuit (of the city) + 1+ many earthworks equal in height to the walls. But those within bore the siege with courage and spirit, for they did not weaken under either famine or disease, but, although plagued internally by these afflictions, opposed stout hearts to the war ; neither were they dismayed at the devices and engines of their foes, but on their side devised engines to check all those used by the enemy, so that the contest between the Babylonians and the people of Jeru- salem was wholly one of cleverness and skill, one 4 ® Josephus here renders differently from the txx the Heb. _ sdrim (A.V. “ princes *’) which ‘above (§ 114) he followed the ¥* Lxx in translating by ἄρχοντες “ magistra © Variant “‘ what he had inquired about them.” 4 Text uncertain ; Lat. “‘ this is what was done.” 229 JOSEPHUS ‘ / ~ A / > , ‘ ~ Kal συνέσεως, τῶν μὲν πλέον" ἐν ταύτῃ δυνηθῆναι τὴν αἵρεσιν᾽ οἰομένων εἶναι τῆς πόλεως, τῶν δὲ τὴν σωτηρίαν ἐν οὐκ ἄλλῳ τιθεμένων ἢ ἐν τῷ μὴ καμεῖν μηδ᾽ ἀπειπεῖν ἀντεφευρίσκοντας" οἷς μάταια 134 τὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπελεγχθήσεται μηχανήματα. καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑπέμειναν ἐπὶ μῆνας ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἕως οὗ διεφθάρησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τῶν βελῶν, ἅπερ ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων εἰς αὐτοὺς ἠκόντιζον οἱ πολέμιοι. 135 (2) ᾿Ηιρέθη δ᾽ ἡ πόλις ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς Σαχ- χίου βασιλείας τοῦ τετάρτου μηνὸς τῇ ἐνάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ. Ὃ > 2.5 ee a A 7 εἷλον δ᾽ οὖν of ἡγεμόνες τῶν Βαβυλωνίων, οἷς : ἂν \ , « , ἐπίστευσε τὴν πολιορκίαν ὁ NaBovyodovdcopos: αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐν ᾿Αραβλαθᾷ" διέτριβε πόλει. τὰ δὲ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ὀνόματα, εἴ τις ἐπιζητήσειε γνῶναι, οἵτινες τὰ ‘lepoodAvpa πορθήσαντες ὑπέταξαν, ἦν NypeyaAcapos,’ ᾿Αρέμαντος, Σεμέγαρος" Ναβώ- 136 capis,”” ᾿Αχαράμψαρις." ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως 1 στὸ πλέον Ernesti. 2 ἀναίρεσιν MSP. 3 ἐν οὐκ ἄλλῳ τιθεμένων οὐκ ἐν ἄλλῳ Twi θεμένων LV. 4 ἀντεξευρίσκοντες LV: ἀντεξευρίσκοντας Naber. 5 δ᾽ οὖν] γοῦν SPLV. | ® Niese: ᾿Αραβαθὰ RMSLV Lat.: ’Apayada@ OP: ‘Pa- pala E: ‘PeBAabe ed. pr. u 7 ἣν NnpcydAzapos conj.: Fv "HpeydAcapos RO: Νὴρ Eva- Aéapos M: ἦν ‘Pevadéapos S: ἣν ‘PeyAdcapos “Pevaddapos Ῥ: ἦν (+ ταῦτα Νὴ ‘PeyAdoapos LV: haec sunt Nergellasar Lat. 8 ᾽᾿Αρέμμαντος SPLV: Arrematus Lat. ® "Epéeyapos ROM: Σεμεγάρος L. 10 Ναβωσάρης Ὁ: Μαβώσαρις M: Μαβωσάρις S: Ναβω- σάρις L: Nabusar Lat. 1 *Ayapaybdpns O: ᾿Εχαραμψαρὶς MV: ᾿Εχαραμψάρις SPL: Charamsaris Lat. ® Variant ‘‘ destruction.” _c» ὃ Josephus greatly amplifies the bibl. account of the siege, probably, as Weill suggests, having in mind the siege of Jerusalem by Titus. 230 ~~ ἃ oh a ee ee ΨΥ. al eo JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 133-136 side thinking that the capture® of the city could be more easily effected in this way, while the other placed its hope of deliverance solely in not wearying or giving up the search for counter-devices by which the engines of their foes might be rendered useless. And thus they held out for eighteen months until they were exhausted by the famine and by the missiles which the enemy hurled at them from the towers.” (2) The city was taken in the eleventh year of The fail of the reign of Sacchias, on the ninth day of the fourth }37S"" month. And those who captured it were the com- Jer. xxxix. 2 manders of the Babylonian army, to whom Nebuchad- ee nezzar had entrusted the siege, for he himself was staying in the city of Arablatha.° As for the names of the commanders to whom the sack of Jerusalem was assigned, if anyone should desire to know them, they were Néregalsaros, Aremantos, Semegaros, Nabésaris and Acharampsaris.4 Now the city was © Conjectured form; mss. Arabatha, Aramatha; bibl. Riblah, 1xx Ῥεβλαθά, v.l. Δεβλαθά. Scripture adds (Jer. xxxix. 5) that it was in the land of Hamath. It is the modern Ribleh in the valley between Mt. Lebanon and Mt. Hermon, on tgenent bank of the Orontes river, c. 50 miles S.W. of ἀ It seems hopeless to conjecture the original forms of these names in Josephus’s text in view of the confusion both in the Heb. and Gr. texts of Scripture. It may suffice to transcribe the (six) names as given in Heb. and txx (Josephus’s forms, like those of txx, indicate that the names were divided ga og a the way in which our present Heb. text gives them): Nergal-sar’eser, Samgar-n*bé, Sarstkim, Rab-saris, Nergal-sar’eser (bis), Rab-mag; Mapyavacap καὶ Σαμαγὼθ (Cod. A Νηργὲλ Σασάσαρ Ἔμσσαμαγάθ) καὶ Ναβουσαχὰρ καὶ Ναβουσαρείς, Ναγαργασνασέρ, Ῥαβαμάθ (cod. A Ῥαβαμάκ). _ According to 8. Feigin, Journal of Biblical Literature, xlv. (1926) 155, the text of Jer. xxxix. 3 should read, ~ “*... Nebuzardan, the cook, Nebushazban, the omina-priest ~ i.e. inspector of omens), Nergal-sareser, the high priest (?).”’ 231 JOSEPHUS ΕἾΝ περὶ μέσην νύκτα καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τῶν πολεμίων εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, γνοὺς ὁ Σαχχίας ὁ βασι- λεύς, παραλαβὼν τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ τοὺς φίλους φεύγει μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως διὰ τῆς καρτερᾶς φάραγγος καὶ διὰ 131 τῆς ἐρήμου. φρασάντων δὲ τοῦτό τινων αὐτομόλων τοῖς Βαβυλωνίοις, ὑπὸ τὸν ὄρθρον ὥρμησαν διώκειν αὐτόν, καταλαβόντες δὲ οὐκ ἄπωθεν “Ἱεριχοῦντος ἐκυκλώσαντο αὐτόν" οἱ δὲ φίλοι καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες οἱ συμφυγόντες τῷ Σαχχίᾳ ἐπεὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγγὺς ὄντας εἶδον, καταλιπόντες αὐτὸν διεσπάρησαν ἄλλος 138 ἀλλαχοῦ καὶ σώζειν ἑαυτὸν ἕκαστος ἔγνω. περι- λειφθέντα δ᾽" αὐτὸν σὺν ὀλίγοις ζωγρήσαντες οἱ πολέμιοι μετὰ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν ἤγαγον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. παραγενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Ναβουχοδονόσορος ἀσεβῆ καὶ παράσπονδον ἀπο- καλεῖν ἤρξατο καὶ ἀμνήμονα" τῶν πρόσω" λόγων, οὗς ἐποιήσατο σώζειν' αὐτῷ τὴν χώραν ὑποσχό- 139 μενος. ὠνείδιζε δὲ καὶ ἀχαριστίαν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μὲν λαβόντι τὴν βασιλείαν (Ἰωαχίμου" γὰρ αὐτὴν οὖσαν ἀφελόμενον ἐκείνῳ δοῦναι.) χρησαμένῳ" δὲ τῇ δυνάμει κατὰ τοῦ παρασχόντος" “᾿ ἀλλὰ μέγας," εἶπεν, “᾿ὁ θεός, ὃς μισήσας σου τὸν τρόπον ὕπο- 1 re RO. 2 ἀγνώμονα SPLV. 8 πρὸ τοῦ Cocceji. 4 σώσειν Niese. , 5 Naber: Ἰωακείμου ROE: Ἰακίμου M: Ἰωακίμου SP: ᾿Ιωναχίμου Li: Ἰεχονίου L marg.: Ἰεχωνίου V: ab eius fratre Lat. δ E: χρησαμένων M: χρησάμενον rell. @ Or “ steep valley ᾽ (Ὁ). The above translation is prefer- able if we assume that Josephus has in mind the seriptural detail ** by way of the gate between the two walls.” Accord- ing to rabbinic tradition Zedekiah tried to escape through a 232 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 136-139 taken about midnight and when Sacchias learned that the enemy commanders had entered the temple, he took his wives and children and his officers and friends and fled with them from the city through the fortified valley * and through the wilderness. But, when some deserters told the Babylonians of this,” they started out at dawn in pursuit of him and overtook him not far from Jericho, where they surrounded him. And, when the friends and officers of Sacchias who had fied with him saw the enemy close upon them, they abandoned him and scattered in different directions, each one determined to save himself. So Sacchias was left with only a few men Captare of round him, and the enemy captured him alive and nie brought him with his children and wives to the king. ταν. δὲ πος And, when he came before him, Nebuchadnezzar (cxx xiv. δ), began to denounce him as an impious wretch and ἃ “τ ἢ" violator of treaties who had forgotten? the words _ which he had spoken earlier when he had promised _ to keep the country safely for him. He also re- _ proached him. for his ingratitude in having first _ received the kingdom from him—for Nebuchad- nezzar had taken it away from Jéacheimos, to whom it belonged, and given it to him—and then used _ his power against. the one who had bestowed it on ; him. “ But,” he said, “ great is God who in His _ abhorrence of your conduct has made you fall into _ eave extending from his house to Jericho, ¢f: Ginzberg: iv. ΒΕ 293. __. ® Unscriptural detail. Rabbinic tradition explains that the Babylonians stumbled on Zedekiah while hunting a deer sent by God, cf. Ginzberg, ibid. « lification of Jer. lii. 8, °°. . . ἀπᾷ 411 his army was _ scattered from him.” 4 Variant “ ignored.” 233 JOSEPHUS 140 χείριον ἡμῖν ἔθηκε. χρησάμενος δὲ τούτοις πρὸς 14 142 148 " Σαχχίαν τοῖς λόγοις τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἀνελεῖν καὶ τοὺς φίλους παραχρῆμα, αὐτοῦ" τε Σαχχίου A ~ * > 4 ,ὔ μὴ A καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αἰχμαλώτων βλεπόντων, ἔπειτα τοὺς > \ ? / ~ / / ν᾽, > ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐκκόψας τοῦ Σαχχίου δήσας ἤγαγεν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. καὶ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ συνέβη, ἃ “Ἱερεμίας τε \ > - / > ~ - καὶ ᾿Ιεζεκίηλος προεφήτευσαν αὐτῷ, ὅτι συλλη- φθεὶς ἀχθήσεται πρὸς τὸν Βαβυλώνιον καὶ λαλήσει αὐτῷ κατὰ στόμα καὶ ὄψεται τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ‘lepeptas εἶπε, τυφλωθεὶς δὲ καὶ ἀχθεὶς εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ταύτην οὐκ εἶδε, καθὼς ᾿Ἰεζεκίηλος προεῖπε. - A > ε ~ > 3 / (3) Tatra μὲν οὖν ἱκανῶς ἐμφανίσαι δυνάμενα τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν εἰρήκαμεν, ὅτι ποικίλη τέ ἐστι καὶ πολύτροπος καὶ καθ᾽ ὥραν ἀπαντᾷ" τεταγμένως, ἅ τε δεῖ γενέσθαι προλέγει, τήν τε τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἄγνοιαν καὶ ἀπιστίαν, ὑφ᾽ Φ ἡδὲ id ~ > {0 ~ > ,ὔ ἧς οὐδὲν προϊδεῖν εἰάθησαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, ἀφύλακτοι δὲ ταῖς συμφοραῖς παρεδόθησαν, ὡς ἀμήχανον αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὴν ἐξ αὐτῶν πεῖραν δια- φυγεῖν. (4) Of μὲν οὖν ἐκ τοῦ Δαυίδου γένους βασιλεύ- σαντες οὕτως κατέστρεψαν τὸν βίον, εἴκοσι μὲν καὶ εἷς γενόμενοι μέχρι τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως, ἔτη δὲ πάντες βασιλεύσαντες πεντακόσια καὶ δεκα- ͵ \ a a ἀν ta ΄ 245 τ ig Kat μῆνας ἕξ Kat ἡμέρας δέκα €€* ὧν 1 ἐκέλευσεν . .. παραχρῆμα] ἐκέλευσε καὶ τοὺς ἐπ παρα- χρῆμα (παραχ. κι Ts φίλους tr. ss) θῦσαι MSPLV * ὁρῶντος αὐτοῦ (αὐτοὺς LV) SPLVE. 3 καὶ πάντα MSPLYV. 4 ἅπαντα ROL Lat. 5 δέκα e€] us’ VE: δέκα ἕξ L Zonaras, 234 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 140-143 our hands.’’* After addressing Sacchias in these _ terms, he ordered his sons and his friends to be put to _ death on the spot? while Sacchias himself and the _ other captives looked on, and then, having put out Sacchias’s eyes, he bound him in chains and took | him off to Babylon. And thus there befell him what both akon and Ezekiel had prophesied to him, _ namely that he would be captured and brought to : os Bab lonian king and speak to him to his face _ and his own eyes look into his eyes, which | is what Jeremiah had said; furthermore, being _ blinded and taken to Babylon, he did not see it, as _ Ezekiel had foretold.¢ _ (8) These things, then, which we have related 0n the in- should make sufficiently clear to those who do not ξείνια know, how varied and manifold is the nature of Prophecy. God and how those things which He foretells must come to pass, duly take place at the appointed hour, and should also make clear the ignorance and dis- belief of these men, by which they were prevented from foreseeing any of these future events and, when they were delivered over to disaster, were taken off their guard, so that any attempt to escape from it was impossible for them. (4) Thus, then, did the kings of David’s line end their lives; there were twenty-one? of them in- cluding the last king, and they reigned altogether for five hundred and fourteen years, six months and « These remarks on Nebuchadnezzar’s behaviour and _ speech are an addition to Scripture. > Variant “ his sons to be ἐκ to death and his friends to be De ogg peiig (lit. “* sacrificed ᾿Ἶ on the spot.” i ~ § 106 note a. ; te Fecading Queen Athaliah (who was not of David's 235 yen JOSEPHUS εἴκοσι THY ἀρχὴν κατέσχεν 6 πρῶτος αὐτῶν βασι- λεὺς Σαοῦλος οὐκ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς φυλῆς ὑπάρχων. 144 (5) Ὃ δὲ Βαβυλώνιος πέμπει τὸν αὑτοῦ στρα- \ / > « ,ὔ ’ὔ τηγὸν Ναβουζαρδάνην' εἰς ἱΙἹεροσόλυμα συλήσοντα τὸν ναόν, προστάξας ἅμα καὶ καταπρῆσαι αὐτόν τε καὶ τὰ βασίλεια τήν τε πόλιν εἰς ἔδαφος καθελεῖν 146 καὶ τὸν λαὸν εἰς τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν μεταστῆσαι. ὃς γενόμενος ἐν τοῖς ᾿ἱεροσολύμοις ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλείας συλᾷ τε τὸν ναὸν καὶ βαστάζει τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λουτῆρα ὃν Σολομὼν ἀνέθηκεν, ἔτι γε μὴν τοὺς στύλους τοὺς χαλκοῦς καὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν τάς τε χρυσᾶς τραπέζας καὶ τὰς λυχνίας. 146 βαστάσας δὴ ταῦτα ἀνῆψε τὸν ναὸν μηνὶ πέμπτῳ τῇ νουμηνίᾳ ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλείας, 1 Ναβουχαδάννην RO: Ναβουχαδάρνην M!: Nabuzardan Lat. « Variant 16 days. re > Probably we should read πάρεξ ὧν εἴκοσι “ exclusive of the 20 years during which,” ete. If we exclude the 20 years of Saul’s reign (¢f. Ant. vi. 378 note f), we have here 514 years 6 months 10 days for the period between David and the destruction of the temple, which agrees with the chronolo, given below (8 147) for the period between the building of temple and its destruction, i.e. 470 years 6 months 10 days, by adding to this figure the 4 preceding years of Solomon’s reign or the 40 years of Dayid’s. But the actual total of the regnal years of the kings of Judah from David to Zede- kiah, as given by Josephus, appears to be 507 years 6 months 20 days reckoned as follows : David 40 years (Ant. vii.389) Jehoash 40 years (Ant, ix, 158, 172) Solomon 80» (» Magee Amaziah 29 ,, ( ,, 5, 204) Rehoboam 17 55 (ον 5) 264) Woziah 5 6 ¢ Egy Abijah 8.4 δ. » 285) Jotham 16 ( 243) jeosbephat ΡΣ ὩΣ Atay χ80 900¢70) @ AB) ehos a δύ; ἐ, 1k » δε ὅν sanorint 8), (4, 5) 1045. Hezekiah 29°, (4: x. 86) Ahaziah 1» ‘Co 55 280) Manassel δ᾽ ὦ. (Cope ἫΝ 236 _ Υ γυμνὴν JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, Χ. 143-146 ἕδη days*; for twenty years of which time? their _ first king Saul held the royal power though he was not of the same tribe. (5) Then the Babylonian king sent his general End of _ Nabizardanés* to Jerusalem to despoil the temple, nel aed and ordered him at the same time to burn down both _ it and the palace and to raze the city to the ground and transplant the people to Babylonia. And, _ when he came to Jerusalem in the eleventh year of _ Sacchias’s reign, he despoiled the temple and carried out the gold and silver vessels of God, in particular Destruction _ the great laver which Solomon had set up and even ffismstlem _ the bronze pillars and their capitals, as well as the Baby- _ golden tables? and the lampstands. And, when coe _ he had carried these out, he set fire to the temple *v-§; _ on the new moon“ of the fifth month in the eleventh Jer. lii. 12. Amon —_ 2 years Ant.ix. 47) Jehoiakim 11 years Sens. ix. 98) Josiah 31 ,», ry oh Jehoiachin 3mo.10d.(f,, ,, ,, Jehoahaz 3mo.10d.( ,, ,, 83 Zedekiah llyears ( ,, ,, 135) Total, 507 years 6 months 20 days. Thus there is a discre of about 7 years between the dead reckoning of regnal years and the summarized chrono- logy given above. If, however, we assume that Josephus inconsistently (cf. § 143 note d) counted in the 6 years of Athaliah (Ant. ix. 142) the pati ev is reduced to about a year. Possibly Josephus would have accounted for the remaining period by explaining that to the dead reckoning we must add 6 months for David (Ant. vii. 389) and about 5 months for Zedekiah (Ant. x. 135). ¢ Bibl. Nebuzaradan, rxx Ναβουζαρδάν. ἀ The_golden tables are not specifically mentioned in ipture. Moreover in Scripture the burning of the temple es the carrying off of the vessels. * 2 Kings (Heb. and txx) “ on the 7th (Luc. 9th) day of the month ”; Jer. “ on the 10th day of the month.” Franz Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus, pp. 474 f., assuming Josephus ~“ to have been an expert on the calendar, gives an elaborate mathematical explanation of this discrepancy. 237 JOSEPHUS ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς Ναβουχοδονοσόρου: ἐν- / A A A , ‘ A Ψ , ἔπρησε δὲ καὶ τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τὴν πόλιν κατέ- 33 ΄ ie \ \ , ” 147 στρεψεν. ἐνεπρήσθη δὲ ὁ ναὸς μετὰ τετρακόσια ἔτη ΔΕ ὔ \ a a \ / . ike 2852 > 4? καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα Kal μῆνας ἕξ Kal δέκα ἡμέρας, ἀφ οὗ κατεσκευάσθη: τῇ δ᾽ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου μεταναστάσει A ~ , <> ” , ε 4, ~ - τοῦ λαοῦ τότε ἣν ἔτη χίλια ἑξηκονταδύο, μῆνες ἕξ, ἡμέραι δέκα: τῷ δὲ κατακλυσμῷ μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ναοῦ πορθήσεως χρόνος ἦν ὁ πᾶς ἐτῶν χιλίων ἐνακοσίων πεντηκονταεπτά, μηνῶν ἕξ, ἡμερῶν 148 δέκα: ἐξ οὗ δ᾽ ἐγεννήθη ὃ "AdSapos μέχρι τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν συμβάντων ἔτη ἐστὶ τετρακισχίλια" πεντα- κόσια δεκατρία, μῆνες ἕξ, ἡμέραι δέκα. τοσοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸ τούτων τῶν ἐτῶν πλῆθος" ὅσα γε μὴν" ἐπράχθη καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν συμβεβηκότων δεδηλώ- 149 καμεν. 6 δὲ στρατηγὸς τοῦ Βαβυλωνίων βασιλέως κατασκάψας τὰ ἱἹεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν λαὸν μετανα- στήσας ἔλαβεν αἰχμαλώτους τὸν ἀρχιερέα Σα- 1 κατέσκαψεν (-ψε L) LVE. 2 τρισχίλια LVE Lat. Zonaras. “ δέκα RO. 4 ye μὴν Niese: μὴν ROLV: δὲ MSP. — @ Bibl. 19th. > Cf. § 143 note ὁ. But secoraing te Ant. xx. 232 the high riesthood from Sadok to Josadak lasted 466 years. In the atter passage Josephus has carelessly subtracted 4 years from the 470 years of the temple’s duration instead of adding 4, since Sadok was high priest in the first year of Solomon’s reign, and the temple was built in the 4th year of his reign. ¢ This chronology agrees with that given in Ant. vii. 68 and viii. 61 where the interval from the Exodus to the building of the temple is reckoned as 592 years (592+470=1062). 238 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 146-149 year of Sacchias’s reign, the eighteenth* of Nebu- chadnezzar’s. He also burnt the palace and de- molished the city. Now the temple was burned Chrono- four hundred and seventy years, six months and ten 233)... days after it was built®; from the migration of the people from Egypt it was an interval of one thousand and sixty-two years, six months and ten days °; from the flood to the sacking of the temple the whole period of time was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months and ten days *; and from the birth of Adam to the time when these things happened to the temple it was an in- terval of four thousand 5 five hundred and thirteen / years, six months and ten days.’ This, then, is the number of years in question ; as for the events that took place (during this time), we have related them severally, each in its place. Now, when the general Third _ of the Babylonian king had demolished Jerusalem ofSenets. and removed the people, he took captive the high 8>ylon. But, as noted earlier (loc. cit.), it disagrees with the chronology given in Ant. xx. 230 and Ap. ii. 19 where the interval between the Exodus and the building of the temple is reckoned as 612 years. According to this latter figure, the _ interval between the Exodus and the destruction of the temple would be 1082 years. 4 According to this reckoning the interval from the Flood to the building of the temple would be 1487 years (1957 — 470 = 1487), which differs from the figure of 1440 years given in Ant. viii. 61. ¢ Variant 3000. 7 Variant 10. σ Neither this figure nor the variant 3513 can be reconciled with that of 3102 years given in Ant. viii. 62 as the interval between Adam and the building of the temple (this in turn yaries from the chronology given in Ant. i. 82), for, if we add _ to 3102 the sum of 470 years as the duration of the temple, we get 3572 years as the total interval from Adam to the destruction of the temple. 239 JOSEPHUS ραῖον᾽ Kal τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτὸν' ἱερέα Σεφενίαν" καὶ τοὺς φυλάσσοντας τὸ ἱερὸν ἡγεμόνας (τρεῖς δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι) καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν εὐνοῦχον καὶ τοὺς φίλους τοῦ Σαχχίου ἑ ἑπτὰ καὶ τὸν γραμματέα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἄλλους ἡγεμόνας ἑξήκοντα, ovs ἅπαντας μεθ᾽ ὧν ἐσύλησε σκευῶν ἐκόμισε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα εἰς 150 ᾿Αραβλαθὰν" πόλιν τῆς Συρίας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοῦ μὲν ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐκέλευσεν ἐκεῖ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀποτεμεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ πάντας. τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὸν Σαχχίαν ἤγαγεν" εἰς Βαβυ- λῶνα δέσμιον δ᾽ 5 ἐπήγετο καὶ ᾿Ιωσάδακον". τὸν ἀρχιερέα ὄντα υἱὸν Σαραία τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ὃν ἀπ- έκτεινεν ὃ Βαβυλώνιος ἐν ᾿Αραβλαθᾷ πόλει τῆς Συρίας, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. 1561 (6) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τὸ γένος διεξήλθομεν. τὸ τῶν “βασι- τ λέων καὶ τίνες ἦσαν δεδηλώκάμεν. καὶ τοὺς χρόνους αὐτῶν, ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην καὶ τῶν “ἀρχιερέων εἰπεῖν τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ τίνες ἦσαν οἵ τὴν ἀρχιερω- δὰ Σέβεον MSP: Σεβαῖον RO: Σαβαῖον E Zonaras: Saream τ σοῦ MSP. 3 Σοφονίαν ΤΑ : Tosadach ‘Lat, ° 4 Niese: Σαλάβαθα (-αν Ἢ) RO: Σαλαμαθᾶ ΜΒΡ: Σαβο- Aaha LV: Arabatha Lat.: 'Ῥεβλαθὰ ed. pr. 5 ἤγαγεν om. RO. ® δ᾽ om. RO. 7 *lwaddwxov SP: Ἰωσάδοκον ML: Tosadach Lat. @ Variants Sebeos, Sebaios (the mss. read Saraios or Sareos below); bibl. Seraiah (S*rdyah), τιχχ Lapaias; cf. § 153 note 6. , > Bibl. Zephaniah (S*phanyaht), txx Lodovias, Luc. Σαφανίας. ¢ Variant “‘ the priest with him”; the reading adopted above agrees more closely with Seaptire where | ephaniah is called ‘‘ the second priest.” 240 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 149-151 priest Saraios* and Sephenias,? the priest next to 2 Kings him in rank,’ and the officers who guarded the temple 75." ji? x4. —there were three of these 4—and the eunuch in charge of the soldiers and seven ¢ friends of Sacchias and his scribe and sixty other officers, all of whom he carried off, together with the vessels he had taken as spoil, to the king at Arablatha,’ a city in Syria. As for the high priest and the officers, the king ordered their heads to be cut off there, while he himself took all the captives and Sacchias to Babylon ; he also carried off in chains the high priest Josadakos,? a son of the high priest Saraios, whom the Babylonian king had killed in Arablatha, a city in Syria, as we have already related. (6) Since we have enumerated those who were of List of the royal line and have told who they were and what ἢ were the years (of their reigns), I have thought it necessary also to give the names of the high priests and tell who founded” the high priesthood in the 4 Heb. “ three keepers of the threshhold ” (A.V. “‘ door ” ; Lxx “‘ doo ἢ). Josephus’s phrase, “* officers who guarded igh priests. the temple,” may reflect the Targum’s rendering amark‘layya ἡ “ temple-trustees.” * So Jer. ; 2 Kings 5. 7 Conjectured form; mss, Salabatha, Salamatha, Sabo- latha ; bibl. Riblah, ef. ὃ 135 note c. 9 Bibl. -Jehozadak (Y*hésdddgqg), τχχ Ἰωσαδάκ, v.l. *Twoedéx. * Text and meaning doubtful ; suggested reading “‘ held ” or “ received.” But according to 1 Chron. vi. 10 (Heb. v. 36) Azariah; in the fourth generation after Zadok, “* was priest in the temple which Solomon built,” apparently meaning that he was priest in Solomon’s time. This is probably why Josephus says that he will write of those ‘* who founded the high priesthood ᾽ (if καταδείξαντες here means “‘ founded ”’), thus vaguely including the first four priests from Zadok, the contemporary of Solomon, to Azariah. 241 JOSEPHUS 152 σύνην ᾿καταδείξαντες" ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι. πρῶτος μὲν οὖν Σάδωκος ἀρχιερεὺς ἐγένετο τοῦ ναοῦ, ὃν Σολομὼν φκοδόμησε' μετ᾽ αὐτὸν δ᾽ ὁ υἱὸς ᾿Αχιμᾶς διαδέχεται τὴν τιμὴν καὶ μετὰ ᾿Αχιμᾶν Αζαριας, τούτου δὲ ᾿Ιώραμος, τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ιωράμου Ἴως," μετ᾽ 153 αὐτὸν δὲ ᾿Αξιώραμος, τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αξιωράμου Φιδέας, τοῦ δὲ Φιδέα Σουδαίας," τοῦ δὲ Σουδαία ᾿Ιουῆλος," τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ιώθαμος, ᾿Ιωθάμου δὲ Οὐρίας, Οὐρία. δὲ Νηρίας, Νηρία δὲ ᾿Ωδαίας,, τοῦ δὲ Σαλλοῦμος," Σαλλούμου δὲ ᾿Ελκίας, ᾿Ελκία δ᾽ “Alapos,’ τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ιωσάδακος 6 αἰχμαλωτισθεὶς εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. οὗτοι πάντες παῖς" παρὰ πατρὸς διεδέξαντο τὴν ἀρχ- ιερωσύνην. 154 (7) Παραγενόμενος. δ᾽ εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ὁ βασιλεὺς 'αχχίαν μὲν εἶχεν, ἄχρις οὗ καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν εἱρκτῇ, θάψας δ᾽ αὐτὸν βασιλικῶς τὰ σκεύη τὰ ἐκ 1 κατασχόντες ex Lat. (habuerunt) Cocceji. 2 Ἰσώ SP: Ἴσος L: Ἶσος V: “Ios E 3 Σουδέας MLVE. 4 ἸΙούηλος MSP: Ἰοῦλος LV: Ἴουλος E: Hilus Lat. 5 ᾽Ωδέας SPVE: Οὐδέας M. ὃ. Σαλοῦμος RO: Σάλουμος M: Σαλδοῦμος LV: Σάλ- δουμος E. 7 ᾿Αζαροακχώρ (-ἄκχωρ LV) EXLV: Σαβαῖος E?: Zaroch Lat.: post “Afapos lacunam statuit Niese. 8. παῖδες ROMSP. * Bibl. Zadok (Sddéq), txx Σαδώκ, Luc. Σαδδούκ. Cf. Ant. viii. 10 ff. ὃ Bibl. Ahimaaz (‘Ahimd‘as), Lxx ᾿Αχειμάας. “ So txx; bibl. Azariah (“Azaryah). -Ὁ 4 From here on J osephus’s list diverges considerably from Scripture (both Heb. and txx), where, after Azariah, the following names are given : Johanan ( Yéhdndn), "Iwavas Azariah (‘Azarydah), ᾿Αζαρίας Amariah (’Amary4ah), ’Apapias 242 - Still other names a pear in the list given in the rabbinic | chronological work Seder Olam. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 152-154 period of the kings. The first to become high priest 1 Chen. of the temple which Solomon built was Sadok ὅ ; ν΄ 89). after him his son Achimas ὃ succeeded to the office, and after Achimas, Azarias,° then his son Jéramos,? next Jéramos’s son Ids, after him Axidramos, then Axidramos’s son Phideas, then Phideas’s son Sidaios, then Sidaios’s son Jiélos, then Jiélos’s son Jothamos, then Jéthamos’s son Urias, then Urias’s son Nérias, then Nérias’s son Odaias, then Odaias’s son Salliimos, then Salliimos’s son Elkias, then Elkias’s son Azaros, and finally Azaros’s son Jésadakos, who was taken captive to Babylon. In every case the son succeeded his father in the high priesthood.* (7) Now, when the king came to Babylon, he kept peath of Sacchias in prison until he died and then buried him a etn Ξ royally, after which he dedicated to his own gods Jer. χχχῖν. δ Ahitub (Ahitib), ’Ayerres Zadok (sadee), Ἄρτα P Shallum, Σαλώμ (v.1. Σελλούμ) Hilkiah (Hilgtyah), Χελκείας Azariah (“Azaryah), ᾿Αζαρίας Seraiah (S*rayah), i Jehozadak ( ¥*hésadaq), Ἰωσαδάκ. * In Ant. xx. 231 Josephus mentions 18 high priests of the - ‘ first temple. Inthe present list there are only 17. Possibly the ᾿ς name Saraias (bibl. Seraiah) has been accidentally omitted _ after Azaros (bibl. Azariah) because of the similarity. 7 Scripture does not tell explicitly how Zedekiah died and was buried, but cf. the prophecy in Jer. xxxiv. 5, “ But thou shalt die-in peace, and with the burnings of thy fathers . .. they shall burn (A.V. adds “ odours”) for thee and they shall lament thee” ete. Rabbinic tradition a with _ Josephus in stating that Zedekiah received royal burial in _ Babylonia, eg τό the rabbis do not all agree as to whether _ Zedekiah was re _ nezzar’s death, cf. Ginzberg vi. 383, 428. eased from prison before or after Nebuchad- 243 JOSEPHUS τοῦ ἹἹεροσολύμων συληθέντα ναοῦ ἀνέθηκε τοῖς 97 ~ A A ‘ tf > ~ ἰδίοις θεοῖς, τὸν δὲ λαὸν κατῴκισεν ἐν τῇ Βαβυ- λωνίτιδι χώρᾳ, τὸν δ᾽ ἀρχιερέα ἀπέλυσε τῶν δεσμῶν. 155 (ix. 1) Ὃ δὲ στρατηγὸς Ναβουζαρδάνης αἰχ- μαλωτίσας τὸν τῶν Ἑβραίων λαὸν τοὺς πένητας καὶ αὐτομόλους ἐκεῖ κατέλιπεν, ἀποδείξας αὐτῶν « ’ δαλί “ἦν "Ac , 2 to ~ 4 ἡγεμόνα Γαδαλίαν' ὄνομα ᾿Αϊκάμου" παῖδα τῶν εὖ γεγονότων ἐπιεικῆ καὶ δίκαιον, ἐπέταξε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὴν χώραν ἐργαζομένοις" τῷ βασιλεῖ τελεῖν" φόρον 156 ὡρισμένον. “Ἱερεμίαν δὲ τὸν προφήτην λαβὼν ἐκ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἔπειθεν" εἰς Βαβυλῶνα σὺν αὐτῷ παρα- γενέσθαι: κεκελεῦσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως πάντ᾽ 7 A mad > \ A \ 4 ~ αὐτῷ χορηγεῖν" εἰ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ βούλεται, δηλοῦν αὐτῷ ποῦ μένειν διέγνωκεν, ἵνα τοῦτο ἐπισταλῇ" 161 τῷ βασιλεῖ. 6 δὲ προφήτης ot" ἕπεσθαι ἤθελεν ἂν Φ 3 / / ¢ ld > > % cal οὔτ᾽ ἀλλαχόσε που μένειν, ἡδέως δ᾽ εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐρειπίοις τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τοῖς ταλαιπώροις αὐτῆς διαζῆσαι λειψάνοις. γνοὺς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν προαίρεσιν c / ~ / / a ,ὔ ὁ στρατηγός, τῷ Γαδαλίᾳ προστάξας, ὃν κατέλιπεν, αὐτίκα πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν καὶ χορη- 1 Τοδαλίαν SP: Γοδολίαν LVE Zonaras Lat. 2 ed. pr.: Ἰκάμου ROM: Ἱκάμου SP: ᾿Αχικάμου L: *EAucdpou V: Ἰακώβου E: Ican Lat. 8 ἐργασαμένοις ROM. eae: 4 τελέσειν ROMSP: om. L. 5 E: ἔπεισεν codd. 6 ἐπιστείλῃ MSP Lat. 1 Dindorf: οὐδ᾽ MSP: οὐδὲ ROLE: οὐδὲν v, α Unscriptural detail (Jehozadak is meant). > Bibl. Gedaliah (G¢dalyaht), txx Γοδολίας (ef. v.l. in Josephus). ¢ Variants Ikamos, Achikamos, etc.; bibl. Ahikam ( Ahigdm), txx ᾿Ἀχεικάμ. 4 Unscriptared details. 244 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 154-157 the’ vessels taken as spoil from the temple in Jeru- (xx xi. ὅλ salem, and settled the people in the territory of xxxvi. 7. Babylonia, while he released the high priest from confinement.? : _ (ix. 1) As for the general Nabizardanés, after ——. taking captive the Hebrew people, he left behind appointed the poor and the deserters in the country and, ap- 9¢rnor of _ pointing a governor over them, named Gadalias,? 2 Kings xxv. son of Aikamos,° who was of noble family and kind (xx xivii. and just,? he imposed upon them the payment of a ᾿" fixed tribute to the king from the cultivation of the _ soil. Then he took the prophet Jeremiah out of Jeremiah prison 7 and tried to persuade him to go with him [eave the to Babylon, for, he said, he had been ordered by 9u"uy, the king to provide him with everything ; but, if he (ἀν τινὰ. were unwilling, he should let him know where he had * decided to remain, in order that word of this might _ be sent to the king. The prophet, however, neither _ wished to accompany him nor to dwell anywhere else, _ but was content to live on among the ruins of his _ native land and its miserable remains.? When the _ general learned of his resolve, he commanded Gadalias, whom he left behind, forthwith to take all possible _ care of him and provide him with everything he might _ * So Josephus interprets the bibl. phrase “serve (rxx _ “ work for ’’) the king of Babylon.” 7 Cf. Jer. xl. 1, “... . after Nebuzaradan, the captain of the guard, sent him (A.V. “let him go”’) from Ramah (txx “the captain of the guard from Daman,” cf. § 158 note ὁ) where he had taken him bound in chains ” etc. _ Ψ Jeremiah’s refusal to leave Palestine is implied but not directly stated in Scripture. According to one rabbinic tradition Jeremiah went with the a ἀφο and accompanied them as far as the Euphrates where he left them to return to _ Palestine, ef. Ginzberg iv. 310 ff., vi. 390 ff. VOL. VI I 245 JOSEPHUS ay γίαν ὅσων av δέηται δωρησάμενός te? αὐτὸν 158 δωρεαῖς πολυτελέσιν ἀπέλυσεν. καὶ “lepepias μὲν κατέμεινεν" ἐν πόλει τῆς χώρας Μασφαθᾷ" καλου- μένῃ παρακαλέσας τὸν Ναβουζαρδάνην ἵν᾽ αὐτῷ συναπολύσῃ τὸν μαθητὴν Βαροῦχον Νήρου δὲ παῖδα ἐξ ἐπισήμου σφόδρα οἰκίας ὄντα καὶ τῇ πατρίῳ _ γλώττῃ διαφερόντως πεπαιδευμένον. 159 (2) Ναβουζαρδάνης δὲ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὥρ- μησεν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. οἱ δὲ πολιορκουμένων ἹἹεροσολύμων φυγόντες διασκεδασθέντες κατὰ τὴν χώραν, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους ἤκουσαν ἀνα- κεχωρηκότας καὶ λείψανά τινα καταλελοιπότας ἐν τῇ τῶν “Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν" γῇ Kal’ τοὺς ταύτην ἐργα- σομένους, συλλεχθέντες πανταχόθεν ἧκον πρὸς 160 τὸν Γαδαλίαν εἰς Μασφαθάν. ἡγεμόνες. δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐν αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιωάδης" υἱὸς Καρίου" καὶ Σαρέας" καὶ ᾿ΙἸωαζανίας" καὶ ἕτεροι πρὸς τούτοις, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γένους ἦν τις ᾿Ισμάηλος πονηρὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δολιώτατος, ὃς πο ιορκουμένων τῶν “ἵερο- σολύμων ἔφυγε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλέα Βααλεὶμ καὶ συνδιήγαγεν᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον. 1 E: δὲ ROMLV: δ᾽ SP. 2 + εἰς Δάναν ROM: + eis Aavav SP: + εἰς “Adavav LY. 3 Μοσφοθὰ RSP: Μοσφαθᾷ L. Ν ᾿Ἱεροσολύμῶν MSPLYV Lat. 5 καὶ secl. Niese. “ Ἰωάννης V ed. pr. 7 Καρέου LV. 8 Σερέας ROP: Σαραίας L: Zareas Lat. ® Tezonias Lat. 10 συνδιῆγεν LV. * According to Scripture (Jer. xl. 5) Nebuzaradan himself provides Jeremiah with food. ® The variant which (after “ remained ”’) adds “ to Dana ” is obviously corrupt; it seems to be derived from’ the txx reading of Ramah in Jer. xl. 1, φῇ, § 156 note f. 246 ae 2k eas JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 157-160 need,’ and, having presented him with valuable gifts, he let him go. And so Jeremiah remained in the country,” in a city called Masphatha,’ and urged Nabizardanés to release, at the same time as him- self, his disciple Baruch, the son of Néros,? who came of a very distinguished family and was exceptionally well instructed in his native tongue.° (2) Then Nabiizardanés, having disposed of these matters, set out for Babylon. But, when those who The Jewish had fled from Jerusalem while it was being besieged — and had scattered throughout the country heard Gedaliah | that the Babylonians had withdrawn, leaving behind πότος some few survivors in the country round Jerusalem ἔπ) 7.6ims* and some people to cultivate this land, they gathered | Jer. xl. 7 together from all parts and came to Gadalias at ρον Masphatha. Their leaders were JoadésJ the son of _ Karias,? and Sareas ἢ and Jéazanias * and some others in addition to these, while there was one from the royal family, a certain Ismaélos a wicked and very crafty man, who had fled from Jerusalem during the iege to Baaleim,* the king of the Ammanites, and had stayed with him during all that time. Accord- : Bibl. Mizpah (Migpah), txx Maconda; cf. Ant. vi. 22 hote α. _ 4 Bibl. Neraiah, rxx Νηρίας, v.1. Νηρείας. ᾿ς * Nothing is said in Scripture about Jeremiah’s plea for the release of Baruch: e other details are also un- _ scriptural. 7 The name a pears as Joéannés in § 164; bibl. Johanan _ (Yéhanan), txx iv, v.11. "Twvav, "Teva. σ΄ Bibl. Kareah (Qaré*h), txx Καρήθ, v.l. Kapie. * Bibl. Seraiah (S*ra@ydh), txx Σαραίας, v.l. Σαραιά. * Bibl. Jezaniah ( Y*zanyahi, Ya*zanyahi), txx “TeCovias, v.l. ’Ofovias, Luc. ᾿Ιεζωνίας. 4 Bibl. Ishmael ( Yisma‘él), txx Ἰσμαήλ. * Bibl. Baalis (undoubtedly: corrupt for Baalim), txx BeAeioa. He is called Baalimos below, § 164. 247 JOSEPHUS 161 τούτους τοίνυν γενομένους αὐτοῦ Ρ αδαλίας ἔπεισε μένειν αὐτίκα μηδὲν δεδιότας τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους" γεωργοῦντας γὰρ τὴν χώραν οὐδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινόν. ταῦτα ὀμνὺς αὐτοῖς διεβεβαιοῦτο καὶ προστάτην αὐτὸν ἔχειν λέγων, ὥ ὥστε εἴ τις ἐνοχλοίη. τεύξεσθαι 162 τῆς προθυμίας: καὶ συνεβούλευε κατοικεῖν εἰς ἣν ἕκαστος βούλεται πόλιν ἀποστέλλειν Te’ μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων καὶ ἀνακτίζειν τὰ ἐδάφη καὶ κατοικεῖν: προεῖπέ τε παρασκευάζεσθαι αὐτούς, ἕως ἔτι καιρός ἐστι, σῖτον᾽ καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον, ὅπως ἔχωσι διὰ τοῦ χειμῶνος τρέφεσθαι. ταῦτα ,διαλεχ els πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσε" τῆς χώρας εἰς ὃν ἕκαστος ἐβούλετο τόπον. 163 (3) Avadpapovons δὲ φήμης εἰς τὰ περὶ τὴν "Tov- alav ἔθνη, ὅτι τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας Γαδαλίας ἐδέξατο φιλανθρώπως καὶ τὴν γῆν αὐτοῖς γεωργοῦσι κατοικεῖν ἐφῆκεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τελεῖν" φόρον τῷ Βαβυλωνίῳ, συνέδραμον᾽ αὐτοὶ πρὸς τὸν Γαδαλίαν καὶ τὴν χώραν κατῴκησαν. 164 κατανοήσαντες δὲ τὴν χώραν" καὶ τὴν τοῦ ᾿᾿αδαλίου χρηστότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ᾿Ιωάννης καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἡγεμόνες ὑπερηγάπησαν αὐτὸν καὶ Βαάλιμον 1 ἀποστέλλειν τε SLV: ἀποστελεῖν τε P: ἀποστέλλοντα R: ἐόν... O: ἀποστέλλων M: et ut mitteret Lat. 2 4 7e SP. 8. + διὰ ROM: + διάγειν SP: + διάγειν διὰ ENA 4 Niese : τελέσειν ROMSPE: τελέ. L: Vv. - καὶ αὐτοὶ MSP: omnes Lat. δ χάριν conj, Naber: post χώραν lacunam statuit Niese: “τ 595 provinciam in pace regi add. Lat. @ Text slightly uncertain. . The detail (sending others) is unscriptural, 248 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 161-164 πιεῖν when they arrived there, Gadalias persuaded _ them to remain there for the present without any _ fear of the Babylonians, for, he said, if they worked _ the land they would suffer no harm. These assur- ances he confirmed by giving them his oath and telling them that they should have him as their pro- _ tector, so that, if anyone molested them, they would find him ready to Hab, And he advised them to settle down in the cities, each wherever he chose, and _ to send others * along with their own men and rebuild _on the foundations and live there; he also warned _ them, while there was still time, to prepare stores of _ grain, wine and oil in order to have food throughout the winter. Having spoken to them in this manner, he dismissed them, each to whatever place in the _ country he chose. (3) Now, when a rumour was spread among the Ishmael’s nations round Judaea that Gadalias had received Rot *2i™t _ with friendliness those of the fugitives who came to Jer. x1. 11 him, and had permitted them to settle down and το work the land on condition of paying tribute to the Babylonian king, they ὃ too came together to Gadalias _and settled on the land. And, when they observed (the nature of) the land “ and the kindness and friend- liness of Gadalias, Joannés* and the leaders with apa came to feel a very great affection for him * and Ὁ j RA 5 Ἑ is decidedly careless; by “ they ” he means the Jewish es among the surroun nations, not these ‘nations themselves. « e ios uncertain ; “Fo renders ue ae sunt the land | was in peace.” or “land ” Naber conjectures λάριν “ USES ᾿ ᾿ (of fsx i liah). 249 JOSEPHUS τὸν τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλέα ἔλεγον πέμψαι, ᾿Ισμάηλον ἀποκτενοῦντα αὐτὸν δόλῳ καὶ κρυφίως, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν'" εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὸν 165 ἐκ τοῦ γένους τοῦ βασιλικοῦ. ῥύσεσθαί γε μὴν ἔλεγον αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐφῇ κτεῖναι τὸν ᾿Ισμάηλον, ὡς οὐδενὸς γνωσομένου: δεδιέναι γὰρ ἔφασκον μὴ φονευθεὶς αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου παν- τελὴς ἀπώλεια γένηται τῶν ὑπολελειμμένων τῆς 166 τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἰσχύος. 6 δ᾽ ἀπιστεῖν αὐτοῖς « / > > \ s / > A ὡμολόγει κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς εὖ πεπονθότος ἐπιβουλὴν τοιαύτην ἐμφανίσασιν: οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς εἶναι παρὰ τηλικαύτην ἐρημίαν ὧν ἔχρῃζε μὴ διαμαρτόντα οὕτως πονηρὸν εἰς τὸν εὐεργετήσαντα καὶ ἀνόσιον ς Ξ “2» τῶ 13 297 \ Ἔν ee εὑρεθῆναι, ὥσθ᾽ ᾧ" μὲν" ἀδίκημα τὸ μὴ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων > , ~ / 4 » »"ν ,, ἐπιβουλευόμενον σῶσαι σπουδάζειν, αὐτὸν αὐτό- A > ~ / > \ 3 > > a 9 167 χειρα ζητεῖν αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἰ ταῦτ ἀληθῆ δεῖ δοκεῖν, ἄμεινον ἔφασκεν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτὸν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου μᾶλλον, ἢ καταφυγόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ πιστεύσαντα τὴν ἰδίαν σωτηρίαν καὶ παρακαταθέμενον αὐτῷ διαφθεῖραι. " ες \ > / ‘ ε A > ~ ~ 168 (4) Kat ὁ μὲν ᾿Ιωάννης καὶ ot σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν ἡγεμόνων μὴ δυνηθέντες πεῖσαι τὸν Γαδαλίαν ἀπῆλθον. χρόνου δὲ διελθόντος ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα παραγίνεται πρὸς Ταδαλίαν εἰς Μασφαθὰν πόλιν ἸἸσμάηλος μετ᾽ ἀνδρῶν δέκα, ots λαμπρᾷ τραπέζῃ 1 FE: πέμψειν ROMSP Lat.: πέμπειν LV. 2 ὥσθ᾽ ᾧ Hudson: ὡς τῷ ROSP: ὃς τὸ LV: ὥσθ᾽ ὃν Dindorf. 3 LV: μὲν τὸ rell.: ἦν Dindorf. 4 +4 δὲ codd., om. Dindorf. @ Bibl. Baalis, cf. § 160 note k. > Baalis’s motive is an unscriptural detail. 250 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 164-168 told him that Baalimos,* the king of the Ammanites, had sent Ismaélos to kill him by treachery and in secret, in order that Ismaélos might rule. over the Israelites, for he was of the royal line.” They would, however, save him from the plot, they said, if he allowed them to kill Ismaélos, as no one would know of it. For they were afraid, they declared, that, if he were murdered by Ismaélos, it would mean the complete destruction of what remained of the Israelites’ strength. But he confessed that he did not believe them when they accused a man who had _ been well treated of forming such a plot, for, he said, it was not likely that a man who had not wanted for anything in the midst of so great a scarcity should be found so base and ungrateful to his benefactor as to seek to kill him with his own hands when it would _ be a wicked thing in itself for Ismaélos not to be anxious to save him if he were plotted against by others. _ In any case, he said, even if he must believe their words to be true, it was better for him to die by _ the hands of Ismaélos than to put to death a man who had taken refuge with him and had entrusted his very life into his hands for safe keeping.° _ (4) And so Jéannés and those of the leaders who Ishmael were with him went away without being able to Muders _ convince Gadalias.. But, when a period of thirty Jer. xii. i. days had elapsed,? Ismaélos came with ten men to §** "4 _ Gadalias at the city of Masphatha, where he enter- _ © In the preceding passage Josephus greatly amplifies the _ brief statement of aliah in Scripture, ‘“‘ Thou shalt not do this thing; for thou speakest falsely of Ishmael.” 4 Bibl. “ in the 7th month.” The medieval Jewish com- _ mentator Kimchi, like Josephus, takes this to mean a month _ after Gedaliah’s statement to Johanan, although Scripture _ does not indicate how long the interval was. 251 JOSEPHUS καὶ ξενίοις ὑποδεξάμενος εἰς μέθην προήχθη, φιλο- φρονούμενος τὸν ᾿Ισμάηλον καὶ τοὺς σὺν. αὐτῷ. 169 θεασάμενος δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα καὶ βεβαπτι- σμένον εἰς ἀναισθησίαν καὶ ὕπνον ὑπὸ τῆς μέθης, ὁ ᾿Ισμάηλος ἀναπηδήσας μετὰ τῶν δέκα φίλων ἀποσφάττει τὸν Γαδαλίαν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ κατα- κειμένους ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ. καὶ μετὰ τὴν τούτων ἀναίρεσιν ἐξελθὼν νυκτὸς ἅπαντας φονεύει τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων 170 καταλειφθέντας ἐν αὐτῇ τῶν “στρατιωτῶν. τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ μετὰ δώρων ἧκον πρὸς Padadcav τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ὀγδοήκοντα, μηδενὸς τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐγνωκότος. ἰδὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ᾿Ισμάηλος εἴσω τε αὐτοὺς᾽ καλεῖ ὡς πρὸς" Γαδαλίαν, καὶ παρελθόντων ἀποκλείσας τὴν αὐλὴν" ἐφόνευσε καὶ τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν εἰς λάκκον τινὰ βαθύν, ὡς ἂν ἀφανῆ γένοιτο, 171 κατεπόντισε. διεσώθησαν δὲ τῶν ὀγδοήκοντα τού- των ἀνδρῶν οἵ μὴ πρότερον ἀναιρεθῆναι παρεκά- λεσαν πρὶν ἢ τὰ κεκρυμμένα ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς αὐτῷ παραδῶσιν' ἔπιπλά τε καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ σῖτον. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἐφείσατο τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων ᾿Ισμάηλος: τὸν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Μασφαθᾷ λαὸν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ νηπίοις ἠχμαλώτισεν, ἐν οἷς καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως Σαχχίου 1 αὐτοὺς om. LVE. 2 ὡς πρὸς ex Lat. Niese: πρὸς codd. E. 3 αὔλιον E: αὔλειον Niese. 4 παραδώσειν ROSPL. 17 bo « Scripture says nothing of a splendid banquet or the intoxication of Gedaliah; cf. Jer. xli. 1-2, “‘.. . they ate bread together in Mizpah. Then arose Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah, and the ten that were with him and smote Gedaliah ” ete. > Josephus omits the scriptural detail that they were in 252 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 168-172 tained them with a splendid banquet and presents and, in his cordial reception of Ismaélos and those with him, went so far as to become drunk. Seeing him in this condition, sunken into unconsciousness and a drunken sleep, Ismaélos sprang up with his ten friends and slaughtered Gadalias and those reclining with him at the banquet table* ; after slaying them, he went out by night and murdered all the Jews in the city and the soldiers who had been left there by the Babylonians. But on the following day eighty of the people of the country came with gifts for Gadalias, for no one of them knew what had hap- _ pened to him.? And, when Ismaélos saw them, he invited them in as if* to see Gadalias ; then, when they were inside, he closed the gates of the court? and murdered them and cast their bodies into the bottom of a deep pit, that they might not be seen.’ But of these eighty men some 7 were saved by plead- ing that they might not be killed before they should deliver to him the implements and clothing and grain that were hidden in their fields.’ When Ismaélos heard their plea, he spared these men. But the people in Masphatha he took captive with their wives and young children ; among them were _the daughters of King Sacchias himself, whom _ mourning; moreover Scripture says that they brought gifts _ for the temple, not for Gedaliah. ὁ “as if” is supplied conjecturally. 4 Lit. * closed off the court,” but this implies closing the gates, as in the variant. Scripture says that he slew them when they came into the midst of the city.” * Josephus omits the scriptural detail that this pit had been dug by Asa to prevent Baasha’s invasion of Judah. 7 10, according to Scripture. a σ΄ Bibl. “treasures in the field, of wheat, barley, oil and _ honey.” 253 JOSEPHUS 1 θυγατέρας, ἃς Ναβουζαρδάνης 6 τῶν Βαβυλωνίων στρατηγὸς παρὰ Τ᾽ αδαλίᾳ καταλελοίπει.. ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν ασιλέα. 118 (5) ᾿Ακούσας δ᾽ ὁ Ἰωάννης καὶ οἵ σὺν “αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνες τὰ ἐν τῇ Μασφαθᾷ πεπραγμένα" ὑπὸ ᾿Ισμαήλου καὶ τὸν Γαδαλίου θάνατον ἠγανάκτησαν, καὶ τοὺς ἰδίους ἕ ἕκαστος παραλαβὼν ὁπλίτας ὥρ- μησαν πολεμήσοντες τὸν ᾿Ισμάηλον καὶ καταλαμ- 114 βάνουσιν αὐτὸν πρὸς τῇ πηγῇ ἐν ᾿Ιβρῶνι “ὁ οἱ δὲ αἰχμαλωτισθέντες ὑπὸ ᾿Ισμαήλου τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἰδόντες καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας εὐθύμως διετέθησαν, βοήθειαν αὑτοῖς" ἥκειν ὑπολαμβάνοντες, καὶ κατα- λιπόντες τὸν αἰχμαλωτίσαντα πρὸς ᾿Ιωάννην ἀν- εχώρησαν. ᾿Ισμάηλος μὲν οὖν μετ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ὀκτὼ 175 φεύγει πρὸς τὸν τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλέα. "ὃ δὲ ᾿Ιωάννης παραλαβὼν ods ἀνέσωσεν ἐκ τῶν ‘Te ov χειρῶν Kal “Τοὺς εὐνούχους καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ νήπια εἴς τινα τόπον λιάνδρα' λεγόμενον παραγίνεται. καὶ τὴν μὲν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην. ἐπ- έμεινεν" αὐτόθι, διεγνώκεισαν ὃ ἐκεῖθεν a ἄραντες εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐλθεῖν, “φοβούμενοι μὴ κτείνωσιν αὐτοὺς οἱ i Βαβυλώνιοι μείναντας. ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, ὑπὲρ Γαδαλία τοῦ κατασταθέντος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνος ὀργι- σθέντες πεφονευμένου. 176 (6) "Ὄντων δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς βουλῆς προσίασιν Ἱερεμίᾳ τῷ προφήτῃ ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ τοῦ Kapiov καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ παρακαλοῦντες δεηθῆναι 1 τὰ ἐν τῇ om. ROE. 2 τὰ πεπραγμένα ROSP. 3 Χεβρῶνι SPLV: Νεβρῶνι E: Cebron Lat.: φ Fog" _ Thackeray, cf. Ant. viii. 22. 4 Niese: αὐτοῖς codd. 5 Μάνδραν LVE: caulas Lat. 6 ὑπέμεινεν SP. 254 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 172-176 Nabiizardanés, the Babylonian general, had left with Gadalias. Having carried out these crimes, he came to the king of the Ammanites. (5) When Jéannés and the leaders with him heard Johanan of the things done at Masphatha by Ismaélos and — of the death of Gadalias, they were very in pore and, each taking his own soldiers, they set out to πεν make war on Ismaélos, and came upon him at the rte end spring in Ibrén.* But, when those who had been), taken captive by Ismaélos saw Jéannés and the leaders, they were filled with joy at the thought that they had come to help them and, deserting their captor, they went over to Jéannés. And so Ismaélos fled with eight men to the king of the Ammanites. But Jéannés took those whom he had saved from Ismaélos’s hands and the eunuchs and women and young children, and came to a cer- tain place called Mandra.”> And there he remained for that day until they decided to depart from there and go to t, fearing that the Babylonians might kill them, i they remained in the country, in their wrath over the murder of Gadalias who had been appointed by them as governor. (6) While they were considering this plan, Joannés, Johanan the son of Karias, and the leaders with him ap- Pgs proached the prophet Jeremiah and urged him to 89 With him * Variant Chebroén ; bibl. Gibeon, txx Γαβαών. A similar slip of Ibrén or Chebron (=bibl. Hebron) for Gabadn * (= “bibl. Gibeén)-occurs in Ant. viii. 22. δ The name ae. “ cattle-pen.” Dr. Thackeray, Josephus, the Man, etc., p. 89 note, su, ts that Josephus ᾿ mat Gid*réth Kimham fe cattle-pens of Kimham * in the _ Heb. of Jer. xli. 17 where our Masoretic text reads “"" Geréth _ Kimham (Targum and A.V. “ habitation of Kimham ᾽ near Bethlehem ” ; txx transliterates the Heb. name as TaBapw- χαμάα. v.l. γῆ Βηρωθχαμάαμ. 255 JOSEPHUS τοῦ θεοῦ 6 ὅπως ἀμηχανοῦσιν αὐτοῖς περὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑποδείξῃ, ὀμόσαντες ποιήσειν 177 6 τι ἂν αὐτοῖς “Ἱερεμίας εἴπῃ. ὑποσχομένου δὲ τοῦ προφήτου διακονήσειν. αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν συνέβη μετὰ δέκα ἡμέρας αὐτῷ φανέντα τὸν θεὸν εἰπεῖν δηλῶσαι ᾿Ιωάννῃ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἡγεμόσι καὶ τῷ λαῷ παντὶ ὅτι μένουσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ χώρᾳ παρέσται καὶ πρόνοιαν ἕξει καὶ τηρήσει παρὰ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων οὗς δεδίασιν ἀπαθεῖς, πορευο- , ‘ > " 3 , 1 ἢ > 2 μένους δὲ eis Αἴγυπτον ἀπολείψει' καὶ ταὐτὰ διαθήσει" ὀργισθείς, “᾿ ἃ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὑτῶν" 118 ἔμπροσθεν οἴδατε πεπονθότας." ταῦτα εἰπὼν τῷ ᾿Ιωάννῃ καὶ τῷ λαῷ τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς προλέγειν ὁ προφήτης οὐκ ἐπιστεύετο, ὡς κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν τὴν ἐκείνου μένειν αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ κελεύει, χαρι- / \ , a %%7 ~ 4 Copevov δὲ Bapodyw τῷ ἰδίῳ μαθητῇ καταψεύδε- σθαι μὲν τοῦ θεοῦ, πείθειν δὲ μένειν αὐτόθι, ὡς ἂν ε \ ~ / ~ tA 179 ὑπὸ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων διαφθαρῶσι. παρακούσας οὖν ὅ τε λαὸς καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ συμ- βουλίας, ἣν αὐτοῖς διὰ τοῦ προφήτου παρήνεσεν, ἀπῆρεν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἄγων καὶ τὸν “ἱερεμίαν καὶ τὸν Βαροῦχον. 180 (7) Γενομένων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκεῖ σημαίνει τὸ θεῖον τῷ προφήτῃ μέλλοντα στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰγυ- πτίους τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Βαβυλωνίων, καὶ προειπεῖν τιρακα 4 7 ~ λ “-“᾿ , aA “ Αὐ ‘ exéAcve’ τῷ λαῷ τήν τε ἅλωσιν τῆς Αἰγύπτου, καὶ 1 P?: ἀπολήφειν R: ἀπολείψειν rell. Lat. 2 Niese: ταῦτα codd. Lat. 3 P?: διαθήσειν rell. Lat. 4 Niese: αὐτῶν codd. E Lat. 5 παθόντας SPLV. δ συμμαχίας SP. 7 ἐκέλευσε LVE. * This last clause is apparently based on Jer, xlii. 18, . . . aS mine anger and my fury have been poured forth 256 oe --- JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 176-180 entreat God to reveal to them what they should do, to Egypt. for they were unable to decide this, and they swore $k ute i, that they would do whatever Jeremiah told them. The prophet thereupon promised to use his good offices with God on their behalf, and after ten days it happened that God appeared to him and told him to announce to Jéannés and the other leaders and all the people that if they remained in that country He would be with them and take care of them and eres them unharmed from the hands of the abylonians whom they feared ; but, if they set out for Egypt, He would abandon them and in His anger visit upon them the same treatment “ which, as you know, your brothers suffered before you.’’* These | _ things, said the prophet to Jéannés and the people, _ God foretold to them ; however they did not believe Jer. xiii. 1 that it was at God’s command that he bade them “**" » rémain in the country but that to please Baruch, his / own disciple, he was, belying God and trying to persuade them to remain there in order that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians. And so the people and Jéannés disregarded the counsel? of God, which He had given them through the prophet, and departed for Egypt, taking both Jeremiah and Baruch. (7) But, when they came there,’ the Deity re- Jeremiah vealed to the prophet that the king of Babylonia Pophs' was about to march against the Egyptians, and He pment bade the prophet foretell to the people 4 that Egypt Sr Ezypt. Jer. xiii. 7 upon the habitants of Jerusalem, so shall my fury be poured (xxx xlix. 7) forth upon you,” etc. ὃ Variant “ alliance.” © To the city of Tahpanhes, according to Scripture. 4 Josephus omits the symbolism of the stones which God , commands Jeremiah to hide, Jer. xliii. 9 ff. 257 181 182 18 ὡ» 184 JOSEPHUS μι 4 \ ΕἸ “ > a 4 A > ’ ὅτι τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀποκτενεῖ, τοὺς δὲ αἰχμαλώτους λαβὼν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ἄξει. καὶ ταῦτα συνέβη" τῷ γὰρ πέμπτῳ τῆς ἹἹεροσολύμων πορθήσεως ἔτει, ὅ ἐστι τρίτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν τῆς Ναβουχοδονοσόρου βασιλείας, στρατεύει Ναβουχοδονόσορος" ἐπὶ τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν, καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτήν, ἐπολέμησε καὶ Μωαβίταις καὶ ᾿Αμμανίταις." ποιησάμενος δὲ ς ny “-- \ ” 9a, > \ ΜΝ ὑπήκοα ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνη ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον καταστρεψόμενος αὐτήν, καὶ τὸν μὲν τότε βασιλέα κτείνει, καταστήσας δὲ ἕτερον τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ πάλιν > / > / ” > a“ Ἰουδαίους αἰχμαλωτίσας ἤγαγεν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. καὶ τὸ μὲν Ἑβραίων γένος ἐν τοιούτῳ τέλει γενό- , \ ᾽ 13 , > , μενον παρειλήφαμεν δὶς ἐλθὸν" πέραν Εὐφράτου: ¢ ,. 9, / A A 7 ε -“ ,ὔ ~ ὑπὸ ᾿Ασσυρίων μὲν yap ἐξέπεσεν ὃ τῶν δέκα φυλῶν λαὸς ἀπὸ Σαμαρείας βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν" ᾿Ωσήου, ἔπειτα ὃ τῶν" δύο φυλῶν ὑπὸ Ναβουχοδονοσόρου τοῦ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων καὶ Χαλδαίων βασιλέως, ὃς ὑπελείφθη τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων ἁλόντων. Σαλμα- νάσσης" μὲν οὖν ἀναστήσας τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας κατ- ᾧκισεν ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ τῶν Χουθαίων ἔθνος, ot / > / ~ A - γι πρότερον ἐνδοτέρω τῆς Περσίδος καὶ τῆς Μηδίας ἦσαν, τότε μέντοι Σαμαρεῖς ἐκλήθησαν τὴν τῆς χώρας εἰς ἣν κατῳκίσθησαν προσηγορίαν ἀνα- λαβόντες: ὃ δὲ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλεὺς τὰς δύο x », Ναβουχοδονόσορος om. SP: ὁ αὐτὸς V. 2 Μωαβίταις καὶ ᾿Αμμανίταις RO: Mwafiras καὶ ing es (App. x. Μωαβ. transp. LVE Latin Zonaras) rell Lat. Zonaras. 3 δὶς ἐλθὸν] διελθὼν ME: εἰσελθὼν δὲ RO: transisse Lats μετενεχθὲν Zonaras. * αὐτῶν om. Hudson. 5 ὃ τῶν Cocceji: τῶν codd. 6 ex Lat. (Salamanassis) Niese: Σαλμανασάρης ROMPVE: Σαλμανασσάρης SL. 258 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 180-184 would be taken and that the Babylonian king would kill some of them and would take the rest captive and carry them off to Babylon. And so it happened ; for in the fifth year after the sacking of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third year of the reign of cy. Jer, Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadnezzar marched against ‘°° Coele-Syria and, after occupying it, made war both * on the Moabites and the Ammanites. Then, after | making these nations subject to him, he invaded Egypt in order to subdue it, and, having killed the _ king who was then reigning and appointed another, ἰ he again took captive the Jews who were in the country and carried them to Babylon.* And so, as The two we have learned from history, the Hebrew race twice Sti" , came to such a pass as to go beyond the Euphrates. of Israel For the people of the ten tribes were driven out οὐ αν, Samaria by the Assyrians in the reign of Oséés, and, once again, the people of the two tribes who survived the capture of Jerusalem were driven out by Nebu- chadnezzar, the king of Babylonia and Chaldaea. Now, when Salmanassés® removed. the Israelites, he settled in their place the nation of Chuthaeans, who had formerly lived in the interior of Persia and Media and who were then, moreover, called Samaritans because they assumed the name of the country in which they were settled.“ But the king of * According to Scripture it was Nebuzaradan who carried off the last group of captives in the 23rd year of Nebuchad- nezzar’s.reign. Josephus’s statement about the conquest of the Moabites and Ammonites is based on the prophecies of Jeremiah, ce. xliv-xlix (xxx li, xxvi-xxx). For Nebuchad- 1 hag nezzar’s conquest of Egypt he probably used Berosus as a / source, cf. §§ 220 ff. ὃ Conjectured form; mss. Salmanas(s)arés; bibl. Shal- maneser ; ef. Ant. ix. 259 note i. © Cf. Ant. ix. 288 ff. J v 259 JOSEPHUS 11 φυλὰς ἐξαγαγὼν οὐδὲν ἔθνος εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν κατῴκισε καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔρημος εἰ Ιουδαία πᾶσα καὶ “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ ὃ ναὸς" διέμεινεν ἔτεσιν 185 ἑβδομήκοντα. τὸν δὲ σύμπαντα χρόνον, ὃς" ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν αἰχμαλωσίας ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἀνάστασιν διεληλύθει," ἑκατὸν ἔτη καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ μῆνας ἕξ καὶ δέκα ἡμέρας. συνέβη γενέσθαι. ἀΡῊγ' 186 (x. 1) Ὁ δὲ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων. βασιλεὺς Να- βουχοδονόσορος τοὺς εὐγενεστάτους λαβὼν τῶν fit ὃ τὸ " Ἁ > ͵ “- tre ovdawwy παῖδας Kal τοὺς Σαχχίου τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν συγγενεῖς, οἵ καὶ ταῖς ἀκμαῖς τῶν σωμάτων ‘ a > / ~ ΝΜ / καὶ ταῖς εὐμορφίαις τῶν ὄψεων ἦσαν περίβλεπτοι, παιδαγωγοῖς καὶ τῇ δι’ αὐτῶν θεραπείᾳ παρα- 187 δίδωσι, ποιήσας τινὰς αὐτῶν ἐκτομίας" τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ὅσα κατεστρέψατο ληφθέντας ἐν ὥρᾳ τῆς ἡλικίας διαθείς, ἐχορήγει μὲν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς τραπέζης αὐτοῦ εἰς δίαιταν, > i A ‘ ἈΦ) ᾽ὔ ‘ A - ἢ Κι ἐπαίδευε δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπιχώρια καὶ τὰ τῶν Χαλδαίων > / / oo \ in λει} ε " ἐξεδίδασκε γράμματα: ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι σοφίαν ἱκανοὶ 1 λαὸς ROMSP. 2 ὅσος SP. 3 Niese: ἐληλύθει codd. E. 4 ἐκ τῶν om. ROM: ἐκ om. SP. « Whether we reckon the lower limit of this interval as the deportation in the llth year of Zedekiah’s reign (ξ 135) or that which took place 5 years later (§ 181) the chronology is inconsistent with that implied earlier (ef. § 143 note δ). According to Ant. ix. 278 the Israelite deportation took place in the 7th year of Hezekiah. The sum of regnal years for the rest of Hezekiah’s reign and those of his succes- sors is 132 years 6 months 20 days. There is thus a discrep- ancy of about 2 years (or 7 years if we take the last deporta- tion, mentioned in § 181, as the lower limit), For various 260 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 184-187 Babylonia, when he carried off the two tribes, did not settle any nation in their place, and for this reason all of Judaea and Jerusalem and the temple remained deserted for seventy years. Now the entire interval of time from the captivity of the ὁ Israelites until the deportation of the two tribes _ amounted to one hundred and thirty years, six | _ months and ten days.* v : (x. 1) Then Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, Daniel and _ took the Jewish youths of noblest birth and the BS Sadia οἷ relatives of their king Sacchias® who were remark- Nebuchad- able for the vigour of their bodies and the comeliness court. of their features, and gave them over to tutors Δ π᾿ 5: to be cared for by them, making some of them eunuchs*; this same treatment he also gave to those taken in the flower of their age from among the other nations which he had subdued. And he supplied them with food from his own table and had them educated and taught the learning of both the natives and the Chaldaeans.*? And these youths theories as to the source of Josephus’s chronology here see Weill’s note ad loc. (which is not very helpful). It may be added that according to modern reckoning the interval between the two great deportations is about 135 years (722/1-68T /6 B.c.). Bibl. “ certain of the Israelites of the king’s seed.” ¢ Josephus, like the rabbis (cf. Ginzberg vi. 415), bases this ——— (not found in the book of Daniel) on the ee Isaiah xxxix. 7=2 Kings xx. 18 (cf. § 33). bbini¢c tradition adds that Daniel and his companions mutilated themselves to prove their chastity in the face of false brought against them by enemies. 4 Josephus here uses “‘ Chaldaeans”’ not as an ethnic name but as the name of a class of wise men. Weill, how- ever, renders “the native traditions and the Chaldaean _ literature.” Scripture has “* the learning (lit. * book ”’) and _ language of the Chaldaeans , 261 — JOSEPHUS 188 περὶ ἣν ἐκέλευε διατρίβειν. ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐν τούτοις τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Σαχχίου γένους τέσσαρες καλοί τε καὶ ἀγαθοὶ τὰς φύσεις, ὧν ὁ μὲν Δανίηλος ἐκαλεῦτο, ὃ δὲ ᾿Ανανίας, ὃ δὲ ,Μισάηλος, ὃ δὲ τέταρτος ᾿᾽Αζα- ρίας. τούτους 6 Βαβυλώνιος μετωνόμασε καὶ 189 χρῆσθαι προσέταξεν ἑτέροις ὀνόμασι. καὶ τὸν μὲν Δανίηλον ἐκάλουν Βαλτάσαρον, τὸν δ᾽ ᾿Ανανίαν Σεδράχην, Μισάηλον δὲ Megan," τὸν δ᾽ ᾿Αζαρίαν ᾿Αβδεναγώ. τούτους ὁ βασιλεὺς δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν εὐφυΐας καὶ σπουδῆς τῆς περὶ τὴν παίδευσιν τῶν γραμμάτων" καὶ σοφίας ἐν προκοπῇ γενομένους εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ καὶ στέργων διετέλει. 190 (9) Δόξαν δὲ Δανιήλῳη μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν σκληραγωγεῖν ἑαυτὸν καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς τραπέζης ἐδεσμάτων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ καθόλου πάν- των τῶν ἐμψύχων, προσελθὼν ᾿Ασχάνῃ τῷ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτῶν ἐμπεπιστευμένῳ" εὐνούχῳ, τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτοῖς κομιζόμενα παρ- εκάλεσεν αὐτὸν ἀναλίσκειν λαμβάνοντα, παρέχειν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὄσπρια καὶ φοίνικας εἰς διατροφὴν καὶ εἴ τι τῶν ἀψύχων ἕτερον βούλοιτο: πρὸς γὰρ τὴν τοι- 1 Μίσαχιν M: Μίσαχον SP ἔχο.: Μισάκην E. 2 τῶν γραμμάτων om. R 8 ἐ ἐπιτετραμμένῳ ΤΙΝῈ. « Of. §186 note b. According to some rabbis Daniel’s companions were not of the royal line, ef. Ginzberg vi. 414, Of both Daniel and his companions Scri ture here (Dan. i. 6) says that they were “ of the sons of J nt a » Gr. Daniélos; Heb. Dani’él, xx and Theod: Δανιήλ. © So τχχ and Theod. ; bibl. Hananiah (Hananyah). 4 Bibl. Mishael, txx Μισαήλ, Theod. Μεισαήλ. ¢ So rxx and Theod. ; bibl. Azariah (‘Azaryah). 7 According to Scripture it was the chief eunuch who changed their names, but ¢f. Dan. iv. 8 (Aram. iv. 5) and § 212 note d. 262 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 188-190 became proficient in the wisdom which he had _ ordered them to study ; among them were four of the family of Sacchias,* the first of whom was named Daniel,’ the second Ananias,° the third, Misaélos ¢ and the fourth, Azarias.° But the Babylonian king changed their names and commanded them to use others’ And so they called Daniel Baltasaros,? Ananias Sedrachés,* Misaélos Misachés,* and Aza- raias Abdenagd.’ And these youths, because of their surpassing natural gifts, their zeal in learning letters * and their wisdom, made great progress, wherefore the king held them in esteem and con- tinued to cherish them. (2) Now, as Daniel together with his felasivis had The Jewish _ resolved to live austerely and abstain from the dishes 7?u"5, which came from the king’s table and in general their dietary ' from. all animal food,' he went to Aschanés,” the pae'i.s eunuch who had been entrusted with their care,” and requested him to take the food brought to them from the king and consume it himself and give them pulse and dates for nourishment and whatever other kind of non-animal food he chose, for, he said, they 9 Bibl. Belteshazzar, txx and Theod. Βαλτασάρ. * Bibl. Shadrach, txx and Theod. Σεδράχ. # Bibl. Meshach, Luxx Μισάχ, Theod. Μεισάχ (v.1. Micax). 4 So txx and Theod. ; bibl. Abed-nego. * The variant omits “ letters.” eee κδ ῶν = , LXx Le . Rsokitinn . ia, Sexipture er τὴ Bey par to have _ made a preliminary request for a change of diet to the chief eunuch Ash naz, yi then to have asked certain kinds of food of se officer appointed by the chief eunuch ; this _ second officer is called in the Heb. Melsar, which according ν to Jewish tradition means “ steward” or the like. The _ Greek versions transliterate this as a proper name, as does A.V. (Melzar). 263 JOSEPHUS avTny δίαιταν αὐτοὺς κεκινῆσθαι, τῆς δ᾽ ἑτέρας 191 περιφρονεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ εἶναι μὲν ἕτοιμος ἔλεγεν ὑπ- ηρετεῖν αὐτῶν τῇ προαιρέσει, ὑφορᾶσθαι | 'δὲ μὴ κατάδηλοι τῷ βασιλεῖ γενηθέντες ἐκ τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἰσχνότητος καὶ τῆς τροπῆς τῶν χαρα- κτήρων (συμμεταβάλλειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκη τὰ σώματα καὶ τὰς χρόας ἅμα τῇ διαίτῃ), καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων παίδων εὐπαθούντων ἐλεγχθέντες, αἴτιοι 192 κινδύνου καὶ τιμωρίας αὐτῷ καταστῶσιν. ἔχοντα τοίνυν πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ εὐλαβῶς τὸν ᾿Ασχάνην πείθουσιν ἐπὶ δέκα ἡμέρας ταῦτα παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς πείρας ἕνεκα καὶ μὴ μεταβαλούσης μὲν αὐτοῖς τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἕξεως ἐπιμένειν τοῖς αὐτοῖς, ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι εἰς αὐτὴν βλαβησομένων, εἰ δὲ μειωθέντας ἴδοι καὶ κάκιον τῶν ἃ ων ἔχοντας, ἐπὶ τὴν προτέραν 198 αὐτοὺς δίαιταν ἀνάγειν." ὡς δὲ οὐ μόνον οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ἐλύπει τὴν τροφὴν ἐκείνην προσφερομένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εὐτραφέστεροι τὰ σώματα καὶ μείζονες ἐγίνοντο, ὡς τοὺς μὲν ἐνδεεστέρους ὑπο- λαμβάνειν οἷς τὴν βασιλικὴν συνέβαινεν εἶναι ρη- γίαν, τοὺς δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Δανιήλου δοκεῖν ἐν ἰφθονίᾳ καὶ τρυφῇ τῇ πάσῃ βιοῦν, ἔκτοτε μετ᾽ ἀδείας ὁ ᾿Ασχάνης ὅσα" μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ δείπνου καθ᾽ ἡμέρα ν συνήθως ἔπεμπε τοῖς παισὶν ὁ βασιλεὺς. αὐτὸς 194 ἐλάμβανεν, ἐ ἐχορήγει δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ προειρημένα. οἱ δὲ ὡς καὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτοῖς διὰ τοῦτο καθαρῶν καὶ πρὸς τὴν παιδείαν ἀκραιφνῶν γεγενημένων καὶ τῶν σωμάτων πρὸς φιλοπονίαν εὐτονωτέρων (οὔτε γὰρ ἐκείνας ἐφείλκοντο" καὶ βαρείας εἶχον ὑπὸ 1 ἀνάγειν ex Lat. Niese : ἄγειν codd.: διάγειν E. ἃ ROLVE. 3 ἐφέλκοντο ROM: ἐλωβοῦντο LV. 264 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 190-194 were attracted to such a diet but felt distaste for any other.*_ Aschanés then said that he was ready to comply with their request but. was somewhat afraid that they might be detected by the king through the leanness of their bodies and the alteration of their features—for, he said, their bodies and com- plexions would necessarily change with their diet —and they would be especially marked because of the healthy condition of the other youths and so would be the cause of his being placed in danger and punished. Accordingly, as Aschanés was appre- hensive about this matter, they persuaded him to give them these foods for ten days by way of trial and, if their bodily condition did not change, to continue in the same way, as no further harm would be likely to come to them ; but, if he saw that they were growing thin and were weaker than the others, he should put them back on their former diet. And They pros- not only did they not suffer from taking that kind 32,0" ™*° of food but they were better nourished in body than Dan. i. 15. the others, so that one supposed that those to whom _ the king’s provisions were given were worse off, while Daniel and his friends were living in the greatest abundance and luxury; and so from that time on Aschanés without any qualms took for him- self? what the king regularly sent to the youths _ from his table day by day, and he supplied them with the foods mentioned above. Thus these youths, whose souls were in this way kept pure and fresh _ for learning and their bodies more vigorous for arduous labour—for they did not oppress and weigh * Josephus here amplifies Scripture (vs. 12). > Bibl. “* took away.” 265 JOSEPHUS τροφῆς" ποικίλης οὔτε ταῦτα μαλακώτερα διὰ τὴν 5 tie Ὁ τὸ ¢ oy Mes , αὐτὴν" αἰτίαν), πᾶσαν ἑτοίμως ἐξέμαθον παιδείαν, ἥτις ἦν παρὰ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις" καὶ τοῖς Χαλδαίοις. / \ / « ~ » LZ > , μάλιστα δὲ Aavindos ἱκανῶς ἤδη σοφίας ἐμπείρως ἔχων περὶ κρίσεις ὀνείρων ἐσπουδάκει καὶ τὸ θεῖον αὐτῷ φανερὸν ἐγίνετο. 195 (3) Μετὰ δ᾽ ἔτος δεύτερον τῆς Αἰγύπτου πορ- θήσεως ὁ βασιλεὺς Ναβουχοδονόσορος ὄναρ ἰδὼν θαυμαστόν, οὗ τὴν ἔκβασιν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτὸς > ~ > / ε θ 7 , \ > / αὐτῷ ἐδήλωσεν ὁ θεός, τούτου μὲν ἐπιλανθάνεται διαναστὰς ἐκ τῆς κοίτης, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς Χαλδαίους καὶ τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς μάντέις, ὡς εἴη Tu’ ὄναρ ἑωρακὼς ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ συμ- \ ‘ \ Xr 5A e ἴὸ , > “λ βεβηκὸς περὶ τὴν λήθην ὧν εἶδε μηνύων ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς λέγειν 6 τι τε ἦν τὸ ὄναρ καὶ τί" τὸ σημεῖον ὃ oy 8a. δ ᾿ wd 2 Dod 50° 196 τῶν δὲ ἀδύνατον εἶναι λεγόντων ἀνθρώποις τοῦ ς ~ > > ? a ΝΜ, A wv ~ > / εὑρεῖν, εἰ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔκθοιτο τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ ἐνυπνίου φράσειν τὸ σημεῖον ὑποσχομένων, θάνατον ἠπεί- geet A > ‘ \»” ” , As λησεν αὐτοῖς, εἰ μὴ TO ὄναρ εἴποιεν, προσέταξε δὲ πάντας αὐτοὺς ἀναιρεθῆναι, ποιῆσαι τὸ κελευσθὲν 197 ὁμολογήσαντας μὴ δύνασθαι. Δανίηλος δ᾽ ἀκούσας “ ,ὔ / A A \ ὅτι προσέταξε πάντας τοὺς σοφοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποθανεῖν, ἐν τούτοις δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν 1 χρυφῆς LV. 2 αὐτὴν om. Ὁ : ἐναντίαν conj. Niese. 3 βαρβάροις LE Lat. 4 te SPLVE Lat. (vid.). 5 τί οῃῃ. RO: ὅτι E. 8 τὸ σημεῖον codd. Exc.: quid significare videretur Lat.: ‘ , “-.Ψ τὸ σημαινόμενον Cocceji. σημαινόμενον Zonaras: explanationem Lat. 8 +e E: et Lat. 266 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 194-197 down the former with a variety of food nor did they soften their bodies by the same means * mastered all the learning which was found among the Hebrews? and the Chaldaeans: In particular Daniel, who had already acquired sufficient skill in wisdom, devoted himself to the interpretation of dreams, and the Deity manifested Himself to him. (3) Two years after the sacking of Egypt © King Nebuchaa- Nebuchadnezzar had a wonderful dream, the outcome pond of which God Himself revealed to him in his sleep, but, Dan. ii. 1. when he arose from his bed, he forgot it ; he therefore sent for the Chaldaeans and the Magi and the sooth- sayers and told them he had had a certain dream and, them how he had happened to forget it, bade them tell. him both what the dream was and what its meaning might be. When they said that it was impossible for any man to discover this but that, if he would describe to them the appearance of the dream, they would tell him its he threatened them with death unless they over him what the dream was, and commanded that they should all be put to death when they con- fessed that’ they could not do as they were ordered. Now, when Daniel heard that the king had com- manded all the wise men to be killed and that among The foregoing is an addition to Scripture. ® Variant “ barbarians’; bibl. “ God gave them know- ledge and skill in all learning (Heb. “ books”) and wisdom.” - Bibl. δ in the second year of the reign,of Nebuchad- nezzar.”” The medieval Jewish commentators, like Josephus, have noted the chronological difficulty in this scriptural state- ment (since the 2nd year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign long preceded the events described in the book of Daniel) and, re exegesis, have explained it to mean the 2nd year after the destruction of the temple. 267 —~ JOSEPHUS συγγενῶν κινδυνεύειν, πρόσεισιν ᾿Ἀριόχῃ τῷ τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων τοῦ βασιλέως ἀρχὴν πε- 198 πιστευμένῳ. δεηθεὶς δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν αἰτίαν μαθεῖν δι᾿’ ἣν ὁ βασιλεὺς πάντας εἴη προστεταχὼς ἀναιρεθῆναι τοὺς σοφοὺς καὶ Χαλδαίους καὶ μάγους, καὶ μαθὼν τὸ περὶ τὸ ἐνύπνιον καὶ ὅτι κελευ- σθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ δηλοῦν ἐπιλελησμένῳ, φήσαντες μὴ δύνασθαι παρώξυναν αὐτόν, παρεκάλεσε τὸν ᾿Αριόχην εἰσελθόντα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μίαν αἰτήσασθαι νύκτα τοῖς μάγοις καὶ ταύτῃ" τὴν ἀναίρεσιν ἐπισχεῖν" ἐλπίζειν γὰρ δι᾿ 199 αὐτῆς δεηθεὶς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώσεσθαι τὸ ἐνύπνιον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αριόχης ταῦτ᾽ ἀπήγγειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ Δανίηλον ἀξιοῦν. καὶ ὁ μὲν κελεύει τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν μά ἐπισχεῖν ἕως γνῷ, τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν τὴν Δανιήλου". ὁ δὲ παῖς μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν ὑποχωρήσας πρὸς ἑαυτὸν δι᾽ ὅλης ἱκετεύει τὸν θεὸν τῆς νυκτὸς γνωρίσαι, καὶ τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς Χαλδαίους, οἷς δεῖ καὶ αὐτοὺς συναπολέσθαι, ῥύσασθαι" τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργῆς ἐμφανίσαντα τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ καὶ ποιήσαντα δήλην ἧς ὁ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπελέληστο διὰ τῆς 200 παρελθούσης νυκτὸς ἰδὼν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους. she θεὸς ἅμα τούς τε κινδυνεύοντας ἐλεήσας καὶ τὸν Δανίηλον τῆς σοφίας ἀ ἀγασάμενος τό τε ὄναρ αὐτῷ γνώριμον ἐποίησε καὶ τὴν κρίσιν, ὡς ἂν καὶ τὸ 201 σημαινόμενον ὁ βασιλεὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μάθοι. Δανίη- 1 ᾽Αριόχῳ MSP Exc.: ᾿Αριώχῳ E: quendam Ariochim Lat : ἃ δεηθεὶς, τὲ (sic) Μ Exce.: καὶ δεηθεὶς | LV. 3. καὶ ταύτῃ om. Lat., secl. Niese: καὶ ταύτην SLV Exc. σῶσαι MSP Exe.: ἐλεῆσαι E: ut ei somnium indicaret Lat. 5 ῥύσασθαι LV: ῥύσασθαι δὲ rell. Exc. Lat.: καὶ ῥύσασθαι E. 268 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 197-201 _ them he and his relatives were in danger, he went to Ariochés,* to whom was entrusted the command of the king’s bodyguard, and asked him to let him know the reason why the king had commanded all the wise men and Chaldaeans and Magi to be put to death; and, on learning about the dream and how, when they were ordered to relate it to the king who had forgotten it, they had made him angry by saying that they were unable to do so, he requested Ariochés to > shine inonoeedageeghiypert ναόν. sash the Magi one night © and to put off their execution only so long,’ for, he said, he hoped within that time to learn the dream by praying to God. Ariochés, therefore, reported to the king this request of Daniel, and so he ordered the execution of the Magi to be put off until he should learn what Daniel had pro- mised (to disclose). Then the youth returned to God reveals __ his house with his relatives and throughout the whole 247" _ night besought God to enlighten him ’ and to save Dan. ii. 17. _ the Magi and the Chaldaeans, together with whom _ they too must perish, from the king’s wrath by re- _ vealing and making clear to him the vision which the __ king had seen in his sleep on the preceding? night and had forgotten. Thereupon God, taking pity on those who were in danger and at the same time ad- Daniel’s wisdom,? made known to him both the dream and its interpretation so that the king too might learn from him what it signified. When * So ixx; bibl. Arioch (Aryok), Theod. ᾿Αριώχ. > In Scriy ture Daniel himself goes to the king on learning the cause of his anger. ¢ Bibl. “ give him time.” * Variant “ and put off this execution.” * Unscriptural detail. : f Variants “ save,” “ pi 2? i * Unscriptural detail, ¢f. note 6. * Unscriptural detail. JOSEPHUS Aos δὲ γνοὺς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ταῦτα περιχαρὴς ἀνίσταται καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς δηλώσας, τοὺς μὲν ἀπεγνωκότας ἤδη τοῦ ζῆν καὶ πρὸς τὸ τεθνάναι τὴν 202 διάνοιαν ἔχοντας, εἰς εὐθυμίαν καὶ τὰς περὶ τοῦ βίου διήγειρεν ἐλπίδας, εὐχαριστήσας δὲ τῷ θεῷ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔλεον λαβόντι τῆς ἡλικίας αὐτῶν, yevo- μένης ἡμέρας παραγίνεται πρὸς ᾿Ἀριόχην καὶ ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἠξίου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. δηλῶσαι, γὰρ αὐτῷ βούλεσθαι τὸ ἐνύπνιον ὅ φησιν ἰδεῖν πρὸ τῆς παρ- ελθούσης νυκτός. 502 (4) Εἰσελθὼν δὲ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Δανίηλος παρῃτεῖτο πρῶτον μὴ σοφώτερον αὐτὸν δόξαι τῶν ἄλλων Χαλδαίων καὶ μάγων, ὅτι μηδενὸς ἐκείνων τὸ ὄναρ εὑρεῖν δυνηθέντος αὐτὸς αὐτῷ" μέλλοι λέ- yew: οὐ γὰρ κατ᾽ ἐμπειρίαν οὐδ᾽ ὅτι τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν μᾶλλον “ἐκπεπόνηται τοῦτο γίνεται," “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ ἐλεήσας ἡ ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς κινδυνεύοντας ἀποθανεῖν, δεη- θέντι περί τε τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς καὶ τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν καὶ τὸ ὄναρ καὶ τὴν κρίσιν αὐτοῦ φανερὰν ἐποί- 204 σεν. οὐχ ἧττον γὰρ τῆς ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κατα- δικασθεῖσιν ὑπὸ σοῦ μὴ ζῆν λύπης περὶ τῆς σῆς αὐτοῦ δόξης ἐφρόντιζον, ἀδίκως οὕτως ἄνδρας καὶ ταῦτα καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς ἀποθανεῖν κελεύσαντος, οἷς οὐδὲν μὲν ἀνθρωπίνης σοφίας ἐχόμενον προσ- ἔταξας, ὃ ὃ δ᾽ ἦν ἔργον᾽ θεοῦ τοῦτο ἀπήτεις παρ᾽ 205 αὐτῶν. σοὶ τοίνυν φροντίζοντι περὶ τοῦ τίς ἄρξει τοῦ κόσμου παντὸς μετὰ σέ, κατακοιμηθέντι βου- 1 αὐτὸ RLV. 2 γίνεσθαι LVE. 3 πεποίηκεν LVE. 4 ἔργον om. ROME: παρὰ Exc. * Daniel’s encouragement of his companions is an addition to Scripture. δ Josephus omits the contents of Daniel’s prayer, vss. 20-23. ¢ Variant “ it.” 270 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 201-205 Daniel received this knowledge from God, he joy- fully arose and told his brothers and, though they were already in despair of their lives and had their thoughts fixed on death, he aroused them to cheerful- ness and to hope of life ;* then together with them he gave thanks to God who had taken pity on their youth,” and, when day came, he went to Ariochés and asked him to lead him to the king, for, he said, he wished to reveal to him the dream which he said he had had on the night before the preceding one. (4) Then Daniel went in to the king and _ first Daniel de that he might not be thought wiser than the κεῖθε others, that is, the Chaldaeans and Magi, merely aomae'p because, while no one of them had been able to Dan ii. 25. find out what his dream was, he was about to tell him*; for this was not due to his skill nor to his haying through his own effort acquired a better understanding than they “but to God who took pity on us when we were in danger of death and, in answer to my prayer for my own life and the lives of my countrymen, has made clear to me both the dream and its interpretation. For no less than my sorrow for ourselves who had been condemned to death by you was my concern for your good name, seeing that you had unjustly ordered these men to be put to death, especially such fine and excellent men, on whom you had imposed a task which is by no means within the limits of human wisdom, and demanded of them something which only God can do. Now then, when you were anxious about who should rule the whole world after you,’ God wished 4 Variant “‘ which is of God.” In the foregoing passage Josephus amplifies Scripture. xs “ Bibl. “ what should come to pass hereafter.” 271 JOSEPHUS λόμενος δηλῶσαι. πάντας ὁ θεὸς τοὺς βασιλεύσοντας 206 ὄναρ ἔδειξε τοιοῦτον" ἔδοξας ὁρᾶν ἀνδριάντα μέγαν ἑστῶτα, οὗ τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν συνέβαινεν εἶναι χρυσῆν, τοὺς δὲ ὦμους καὶ τοὺς βραχίονας ἀργυ- pods, τὴν δὲ γαστέρα καὶ τοὺς μηροὺς χαλκέους, 207 κνήμας δὲ καὶ πόδας »σιδηροῦς.. ἔπειτα' λίθον εἶδες" ἐξ 6, ὄρους ἀπορραγέντα ἐμπεσεῖν τῷ ἀνδριάντι καὶ τοῦτον καταβαλόντα συνθρύψαι" καὶ “μηδὲν αὐτοῦ μέρος ὁλόκληρον ἀφεῖναι, ὦ ὡς τὸν μὲν' χρυσὸν καὶ τὸν ἄργυρον καὶ τὸν χαλκὸν καὶ τὸν σίδηρον ἀλεύρων λεπτότερον γενέσθαι, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀνέμου πνεύσαντος σφοδροτέρου ὑπὸ τῆς βίας ἁρπαγέντα διασπαρῆναι, τὸν δὲ λίθον αὐξῆσαι τοσοῦτον ὡς 208 ἅπασαν δοκεῖν τὴν γῆν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεπληρῶσθαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄναρ, “ὅπερ εἶδες, τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν, ἡ δὲ κρίσις αὐτοῦ τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον" ἡ μὲν χρυσῆ κεφαλὴ σέ τε ἐδήλου καὶ τοὺς πρὸ σοῦ βασιλέας Βαβυ- λωνίους ὄ ὄντας" at δὲ δύο" χεῖρες καὶ οἵ ὦμοι ση- μαίνουσιν ὑπὸ δύο καταλυθήσεσθαι βασιλέων. τὴν 209 ἡγεμονίαν ὑμῶν" τὴν δὲ ἐκείνων ἕτερός τις ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως καθαιρήσει χαλκὸν ἠμφιεσμένος, καὶ ταύτην ἄλλη παύσει τὴν ἰσχὺν ὁμοία σιδήρῳ καὶ κρατήσει 1 εἶτα ROM. 3 εἶδες om. ROM. 3 συντρίψαι SPLV Exc. Zonaras.. 4 ὡς τὸν μὲν] τὸν δὲ SPLVE Exc. 5 δύο om. ROM. @ Bibl. ‘t breast’? (Aram. “‘-breasts”’; txx and Theod. στῆθος : ; Theod, adds “ hands’), > Bibl. “ its legs of iron, its feet partly iron and partly clay ᾽" (or “ tile,” cf. J. A. Montgomery, A Commentary on Daniel, ad loc.). On the alteration of Scripture cf. § 209 note a. ¢ Of. Theod. ἀποσχίσθη (Lxx ἐτμήθη) λίθος «ἐξ ὄρους “a stone was severed from a mountain ’’; Aram. “δ. stone was severed without hands.” 272 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 205-209 to reveal to you in your sleep all those who are to reign and sent you the following dream. You seemed to see a great image standing up, of which the head was of gold, the shoulders? and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of bronze and the legs and feet of iron.” Then you saw a stone break off from a mountain ° and fall upon the image and over- throw it, breaking it to pieces and leaving not one part of it whole,* so that the gold and silver and bronze and iron were made finer than flour,’ and, when the wind blew strongly, they were caught up by its force and scattered abroad; but the stone grew so much larger that the whole earth seemed to be filled with it. This, then, is the dream which you interpreta- saw ; as for its interpretation, it is as follows. The alg δ head of gold represents you and the Babylonian kings who were before you.’ The two’ hands and shoulders signify that your empire will be brought to an end by two kings.” But their empire will be destroyed by another king from the west, clad in bronze,‘ and this power will be ended by still another, like iron, that will have dominion for ever through # According to Scripture the stone first struck the image on the feet and broke them, after which the whole image was shattered. * Aram. and Theod. “like chaff (Theod. “‘ dust”) of the summer threshing-floor”: txx “lighter than chaff on the threshing-floor.” 7 The latter part of this sentence (“‘ and the Babylonian kings,” etc.) is an addition to Scripture. 9 The variant omits “‘ two.” * Bibl. “ another kingdom inferior to thee.” * Bibl. “ a third kingdom of bronze which shall rule over all the earth.” Josephus’s addition “from the west” indicates that, like the rabbis, he identified the third kingdom with the empire of Alexander. 273 Dan. ii. 36. JOSEPHUS Wat \ “ ᾿, δὲ εἰς ἅπαντα διὰ τὴν τοῦ σιδήρου φύσιν "> εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὴν στερροτέραν τῆς τοῦ χρυσοῦ καὶ τοῦ 3 “ ~ i 210 ἀργύρου Kal τοῦ χαλκοῦ. ἐδήλωσε δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ λίθ A ΄ λ ~ r a 3 Av’ > A \ > 25. Wov Δανίηλος τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ἔδοξε τοῦτο ἱστορεῖν, τὰ παρελθόντα καὶ τὰ γεγενημένα συγγράφειν οὐ τὰ μέλλοντα ὀφείλοντι, εἰ δέ τις τῆς ἀκριβείας" γλιχόμενος οὐ περιίσταται πολυ- πραγμονεῖν, ὡς καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων τί γενήσεται , - 2 ‘ / > βούλεσθαι μαθεῖν, σπουδασάτω τὸ βιβλίον ἀνα- γνῶναι τὸ Δανιήλου" εὑρήσει δὲ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς γράμμασιν. 211 (5) Ὃ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ναβουχοδονόσορος ἀκηκοὼς" ταῦτα καὶ ἐπιγνοὺς τὸ ὄναρ ἐξεπλάγη τὴν τοῦ Δανιήλου φύσιν, καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον, ᾧ τρόπῳ τὸν θεὸν προσκυνοῦσι, τούτῳ τὸν Δανίηλον ἠσπά- 212 ζετο. καὶ θύειν δὲ" ὡς θεῷ προσέταξεν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ ἰδίου θεοῦ θέμενος, ἁπάσης ἐπίτροπον τῆς βασιλείας ἐποίησε καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ, οὗς ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ βασκανίας εἰς κίνδυνον ἐμπεσεῖν συνέβη τῷ βασιλεῖ 218 προσκρούσαντας ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης: ὁ βασιλεὺς κατασκευάσας χρύσεον ἀνδριάντα, πηχῶν τὸ μὲν A ε ta A / a. Φ / > ‘ > ὕψος ἑξήκοντα τὸ πλάτος δὲ ἕξ, στήσας αὐτὸν ἐν ~ , “- Β λ ~ 4 8d ‘ λλ τῷ μεγάλῳ τῆς Βαβυλῶνος" πεδίῳ καὶ μέλλων 1 ἀληθείας PLVE. 2 ἀκούσας LV(E). 3 θύειν δὲ Exc.: θύσειν δεῖν RO: θύσειν δὴ SPL: θύσειν δὲ V: θύειν E. * Βαβυλωνίας O Lat. « Josephus has omitted the scriptural detail about the division of the fourth kingdom and its composition of iron 274 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 209-213 its iron nature,” which, he said, is harder than that of gold or silver or bronze.*__ And Daniel also revealed to the king the meaning of the stone, but I have not thought it proper to relate this, since I am expected to write of what is past and done and not of what is to be; if, however, there is anyone who has so keen a desire for exact information? that he will not stop short of inquiring more closely but wishes to learn about the hidden things that are to come, let him take the trouble to read the Book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings.° (5) When King Nebuchadnezzar had heard these Daniel's things and recognized his dream, he was amazed at τὸ μασιν Daniel’s natural gifts and, falling on his face, hailed mines saved him in the manner in which men worship God. He “i capped also commanded that they should sacrifice to him °"- "1. 46, as to a god, and not only that, but he even gave him the name of his own god? and made him and _ his relatives governors of the kingdom ; but these, παν» νὰ ΔΑ ΝΡ, ον» eee as it happened, fell into great danger from envy and jealousy when they offended the king for the follow- ing reason. The king had an image made of gold, Dan. iii. 1. sixty cubits high and six broad, and set it up in the great plain of Babylon ; and, when ready to consecrate and clay (cf. ὃ 206 note δ), probably because, like the rabbis, he identified it with Rome and did not wish to offend Roman readers ; cf. next note but one. > Variant “ truth.” © Josephus’s evasiveness about the meaning of the stone which déstroyed the kingdom of iron (vs. 44 f.) is due to the fact that the Jewish interpretation of it current in his day ¥ took it as a symbol of the Messiah or Messianic kingdom ὑ which would make an end of the Roman empire. ῳ ἀφ 6. Belteshazzar, cf. Dan. iv. 8 (Aram. iv. 5). Josephus forgets that he has already written (in § 189) that Nebuchad- nezzar changed Daniel’s name to Belteshazzar. ~~ 275 JOSEPHUS καθιεροῦν αὐτὸν συνεκάλεσεν ἐξ ἁπάσης ἧς ἦρχε γῆς τοὺς πρώτους, πρῶτον αὐτοῖς προστάξας, ὅταν σημαινούσης ἀκούσωσι τῆς σάλπιγγος, τότε πε- σόντας προσκυνεῖν τὸν ἀνδριάντα. τοὺς δὲ μὴ ποιήσαντας ἠπείλησεν εἰς τὴν τοῦ πυρὸς ἐμβληθή- 914 σεσθαι κάμινον. πάντων οὖν μετὰ τὸ σημαινούσης ἐπακοῦσαι τῆς σάλπιγγος προσκυνούντων τὸν ἀν- δριάντα, τοὺς Δανιήλου συγγενεῖς οὐ ποιῆσαι τοῦτό φασι μὴ βουληθέντας παραβῆναι τοὺς “πατρίους νόμους. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐλεγχθέντες εὐθὺς" εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐμβληθέντες θείᾳ σώζονται προνοίᾳ καὶ παραδόξως 215 διαφεύγουσι τὸν θάνατον. οὐ γὰρ “ἥψατο τὸ πῦρ αὐτῶν" ἀλλὰ κατὰ λογισμὸν οἶμαι τῷ μηδὲν ἀδική- σαντας εἰς αὐτὸ βληθῆναι οὐχ ἥψατο, καίειν δ᾽ ἀσθενὲς ἦν ἔχον ἐν ἑαυτῷ τοὺς παῖδας, τοῦ θεοῦ κρείττονα τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν ὥστε μὴ ,δαπανη- θῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς παρασκευάσαντος ." “τοῦτο συνέστησεν αὐτοὺς τῷ βασιλεῖ ὡς δικαίους καὶ θεοφιλεῖς, διὸ μετὰ ταῦτα πάσης ἀξιούμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τιμῆς διετέλουν. 216 (6) ‘Ody δ᾽ ὕστερον χρόνῳ πάλιν ὁρᾷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ βασιλεὺς ὄψιν ἑτέραν, ὡς ἐκπεσὼν τῆς ἀρχῆς μετὰ θηρίων ἕξει τὴν δίαιταν καὶ δια- ζήσας οὕτως ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ αὖθις τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολήψεται. τοῦτο θεασάμενος τοῦναρ πάλιν τοὺς μάγους συγκαλέσας ἀνέκρινεν αὐτοὺς περὶ 1 εὐθέως SPLVE. 2 od ydp . . . αὐτῶν om. ROM. 3 κατασκευάσαντος cum Εἰ Hudson, Naber. | * Josephus omits the other musical instruments mentioned in Scripture. » The variant omits “ for the fire did not touch them.” ¢ Josephus here considerably abridges Scripture. It is 276 i incerta JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 213-216 it, he summoned the chief men from all the lands over which he ruled, having first commanded that at the moment when they heard the trumpet sound * they should fall down and worship the image, and those who would not do so he threatened to have thrown into a fiery furnace. Accordingly all who heard the trumpet sound worshipped the image, but it is said the relatives of Daniel did not do so because they were unwilling to transgress their fathers’ laws. And so they were convicted and straightway thrown into the fire, but were saved by divine providence and miraculously escaped death, for the fire did not touch them®; and indeed it was, I believe, in consideration of their being thrown into it without having done any wrong that it did not touch them, and it was powerless to burn the youths when it held them, for God made their bodies too strong to be consumed by the fire: This proved to the king that they were righteous and dear to God, and so they continued thereafter to be held worthy by him of the highest honour.° (6) A little while afterward the king again had another vision in his sleep, which was that he would fall from power and make his home with beasts 4 and, after living in this way in the wilderness for seven years,’ would again recover his royal power. After beholding this dream, he again summoned the Magi and inquired of them about it and asked them noteworthy that he does not refer to the “ Prayer of the Three Youths ” found in the Greek versions and included in the Apocrypha. dream ¢ So txx; Aram. and Theod. “seven times” (or VOL. VI K 277 Nebuchad- nezzar’s second dream. Dan, iv. 4 — κ ἝΩ 4 Josephus greatly condenses the scriptural account of the re 217 218 219 JOSEPHUS αὐτοῦ καὶ τί σημαίνοι λέγειν ἠξίου. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων οὐθεὶς ἠδυνήθη τὴν τοῦ ἐνυπνίου διάνοιαν εὑρεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἐμφανίσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ, Δανέίηλος δὲ μόνος καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔκρινε καὶ καθὼς οὗτος αὐτῷ προεῖπεν ἀπέβη. διατρίψας γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας τὸν προειρημένον χρόνον οὐδενὸς Ζολμήσαντος € ἐπι- θέσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι παρὰ τὴν ἑπταετίαν, δεηθεὶς τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπολαβεῖν. πάλιν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπανέρχεται. ἐγκαλέσῃ δέμοι μηδεὶς οὕτως ἕκαστα τούτων ἀπαγγέλλοντι διὰ τῆς γραφῆς ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἀρχαίοις εὑρίσκω βιβλώοις" καὶ γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρ τῆς ἱστορίας πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιζητήσοντάς τι περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ μεμψομένους ἠσφαλισάμην, μόνον τε μεταφράζειν τὰς “Ἑβραίων βίβλους εἰπὼν εἰς τὴν “Ελλάδα γλῶτταν καὶ ταῦτα δηλώσειν μήτε προστιθεὶς τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐτὸς dia’ μήτ᾽ ἄρα» ρῶν" ὑπεσχημένος. (xi. 1) ὋὉ δὲ “Βασιλεὺς Ναβουχοδονόσορος ἔτη τρία καὶ τεσσαράκοντα βασιλεύσας τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ἀνὴρ δραστήριος καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων εὐτυχέστερος γενόμενος. μέμ ται δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῶν πράξεων καὶ Βηρωσὸς" ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν Χαλδαϊκῶν 220 ἱστοριῶν λέγων οὕτως. δι ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ Ναβοπαλάσαρος" ὅτι ὁ “τεταγμένος σατράπης | ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν 'Συριαν τὴν κοίλην καὶ τὴν Φοινίκην τόποις ἀποστάτης αὐτοῦ γέγονεν, οὐ δυνάμενος αὐτὸς ἔτι κακοπαθεῖν συστήσας τῷ υἱῷ Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ ὄντι ἐν ἡλικίᾳ μέρη τινὰ τῆς 1 ἴδια SPL: ἴδιον V. 2 Niese: ἀφαιρεῖν codd. 3 Βηρωσσὸς RP? V Ε΄, 4 Ναβοπαλάσαρος ex cont. Apion., Eusebio conj. Niese: Ναβουχοδονόσορος ROLV : Ναβουχαδανάσαρος (-ἄάσσαρος P) SP. 278 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 217-220 ᾿ to tell him what it signified. Now none of the others _ could discover the import of the dream or make it known to the king, but Daniel alone interpreted it, _ and as he foretold to him so it came to pass. For the king spent the forementioned period of time in _ the wilderness, none venturing to seize the goyern- _ ment during these seven years, and, after praying to God that he might recover his kingdom, he was again restored to it. But let no one reproach me “\\ G—— for recording in my work each of these events as I _ have found them in the ancient books, for at the very beginning of my History I safeguarded myself _ against those who might find something wanting in ἣ my narrative or find fault with it, and said that I _ was only translating the books of the Hebrews into the Greek tongue, promising to report their contents without adding anything of my own to the narrative | or omi anything therefrom. A (xi. 1) Now King Nebuchadnezzar’s life came to Death of _an end after a reign of forty-three years‘; he was a Nebuctat man of bold action and more fortunate than the sccount of kings before him. His deeds are also mentioned by atk Αϑ _Berosus in the third book of his _History of Chal- ee aig daea, where he writes as’follows. ‘“ When his father Nabopalasaros > heard that the satrap appointed over Egypt and the districts of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia had revolted from him, being no longer himself able to endure hardships, he placed a part _of his force at the disposal of his son Nebuchadnezzar, _who was in his prime, and sent him out against this _ * Cf. Ap. i. 146. He reigned from 604 to 562 B.c. The νΚ' _ rabbinic reckoning varies between 40 and 45 years, ef. Ginz- berg i iv. 339, vi. 430. 2 Conjectured form (cf. Ap. and below, § 221); ss. Nabachodonosoros, etc. 279 JOSEPHUS 221 δυνάμεως ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. συμμίξας δὲ Να- βουχοδονόσορος τῷ ἀποστάτῃ καὶ παραταξάμενος αὐτοῦ τε ἐκράτησε' καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς" ὑπὸ τὴν αὑτοῦ" βασιλειαν ἐποιήσατο. τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτοῦ Ναβοπαλασάρῳ" συνέβη κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἀρρωστήσαντι ἐν τῇ Βαβυλωνίων πόλει εταλλάξαι τὸν βίον ἔτη βασιλεύσαντι εἴκοσι καὶ ἕν." 222 αἰσθόμενος δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν Ναβουχοδονόσορος" καὶ καταστήσας τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον πράγματα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν χώραν, καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ᾿Ιουδαίων τε καὶ Φοι- νίκων καὶ Σύρων καὶ τῶν κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἐθνῶν συντάξας τισὶ τῶν φίλων μετὰ τῆς βαρυτάτης δυνά- μεως καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ὠφελείας ἀνακομίζειν εἰς τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν, αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας ὀλιγοστὸς διὰ τῆς 293 ἐρήμου παραγίνεται εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. παραλαβὼν' € τὰ πράγματα διοικούμενα ὑπὸ Χαλδαίων καὶ διατηρουμένην τὴν βασιλείαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ΤΟΝ αὐτῶν, κυριεύσας ὁλοκλήρου τῆς πατρικῆς ἀρ τοῖς μὲν αἰχμαλώτοις παραγενομένοις συνέτα κατοικίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τῆς Βαβυλωνίρα 224 τόποις ἀποδεῖξαι," αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου λαφύρων τό τε τοῦ Βήλου ἱερὸν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ κοσμήσας φιλοτίμως, τήν τε ὑπάρχουσαν ἐξ a ἀρχῆς πόλιν ἀνακαινίσας" καὶ ἑτέρᾳ" κατοχυρώσας" πρὸς" ᾿ ἐκράτει Syncellus : : ἐκυρίευσε cont. Apion., Eusebius. ἢ ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς] ἐξ ἀρχῆς cont. Apion., Eusebii Chron. : ἐξαῦθις Eusebii Praep. Εν.: ἐξ αὐτῆς Gutschmid. 8 Naber: αὐτοῦ codd.: αὐτῶν cont. Apion., Syncellus. ἔξ cf. annot. 4, p. 278. 5. εἴκοσι καὶ ἕν] εἰκοσιεννέα cont. Apion. 6. ex Lat., cont. Apion. conj. Naber: Ναβουχοδονοσόρου (-capov RO) ROLV: Ναβουχαδανασσάρου SP. 280 ee ὦ. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 221-224 satrap. Then Nebuchadnezzar engaged the rebel, defeated him in a pitched battle and brought the country which was under the other’s rule into his own realm. As it happened, his father Nabopala- saros fell ill at about this time in the city of Babylon and departed this life after reigning twenty-one * years. Being informed, not long after, of his father’s death, Nebuchadnezzar settled the affairs of Egypt and the other countries and also gave orders to some of his friends to conduct to Babylon the captives _ taken among the Jews, Phoenicians, Syrians and peoples of Egypt with the bulk of his force and the _ rest. of the booty, while he himself set out with a few men and reached Babylon through the desert. There he found the government administered by the _ Chaldaeans and the throne preserved for him by the _ ablest man” among them ; and, on becoming master _ of his father’s entire realm, he gave orders to allot Ζ : ee ae é _ to the captives, when they came, settlements in f the most suitable places in Babylonia ; he himself magnificently decorated the temple of Bel and the other temples with the spoils of the war; he also restored the originally existing city and fortified it ® Variant (in Ap.) 29. He reigned from 625 to 605 B.c. > T. Reinach emends to *‘ men. ἴ καταλαβὼν cont. Apion. 5. ἀποδείξας RSP: ἀπέδειξαν L: om. V Lat. ® ἀνακαινίσας (ex seqq.) ins. Naber. 19. conj.: ἕτερα codd.: ἑτέραν ἔξωθεν cont. Apion. ἃ conj. : καταχαρισάμενος RSP: καταχειρισάμενος O: κατα- χρησάμενος LV: contulit Lat.: προσχαρισάμενος cont. Apion. : προσκαταχρησάμενος Syncellus: προσοχυρισάμενος Herwerden: προκαθιδρυσάμενος Gutschmid. ε" 2 καὶ ἀνακαινίσας πρὸς SP: καὶ ἀναγκάσας πρὸς rell.: prisca reparavit Lat. 281 JOSEPHUS τὸ μηκέτι δύνασθαι τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας τὸν πο- ταμὸν ἀναστρέφοντας; ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν κατασκευά- lew περιεβάλετο" τρεῖς μὲν τῆς ἔνδον πόλεως / al A ~ ΝΜ ,’ ἋΣ \ pay περιβόλους, τρεῖς δὲ τῆς ἔξω, τούτων δὲ τοὺς μὲν > > a , re , \ i+ 3 ᾿ ΟΣ λα ἐξ ὀπτῆς πλίνθου καὶ ἀσφάλτου, τοὺς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῆς 295 τῆς πλίνθου. καὶ τειχίσας ἀξιολόγως τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς πυλῶνας κοσμήσας ἱεροπρεπῶς, κατε- , 5? A 4 , “ , σκεύασεν" ἐν τοῖς πατρικοῖς βασιλείοις ἕτερα βασί- λεια ἐχόμενα αὐτῶν, ὧν τὸ μὲν ἀνάστημα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν πολυτέλειαν περισσὸν ἴσως ἂν εἴη λέγειν," πλὴν ὡς ὄνταϊ μεγάλα καὶ ὑπερήφανα συνετελέσθη 226 ἡμέραις πεντεκαίδεκα. ἐν δὲ τοῖς βασιλείοις τού- 3 ‘ , 8 2 , \ » ᾿ τοις ἀναλήμματα λίθινα" ἀνῳκοδόμησε, τὴν ὄψιν ἀποδοὺς ὁμοιοτάτην τοῖς ὄρεσι, καταφυτεύσας δὲ" δένδρεσι παντοδαποῖς ἐξειργάσατο καὶ κατεσκεύασε τὸν καλούμενον κρεμαστὸν παράδεισον διὰ τὸ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ ἐπιθυμεῖν τῆς οἰκείας" διαθέσεως ὡς 227 τεθραμμένην ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Μηδίαν τόποις. καὶ , Δ Φ A 4, ~ > ~ Μεγασθένης δὲ ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν ᾿Ινδικῶν μνημο- 1 ex cont. Apion. Hudson: ἀναστρέψαντας ROLV: ἀνα- στρέψας SP: ἀποστρέφοντας Ernesti. 2 κατασκευάζειν om. RO: aliquo modo praevalere Lat. 3 ed. pr.: ὑπερεβάλετο (-ἐβάλλετο L) codd., cont. Apion.: erexit Lat. 4 rods μὲν ἐξ ὀπτῆς πλίνθου... ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς πλίνθου ex cont. Apion. Naber: τῆς ὀπτῆς πλίνθου codd. Lat. 5 προσκατεσκεύακεν cont, Apion, : addidit Eusebius Armen. : προκατεσκεύασεν Syncellus. ὁ περισσὸν . . . λέγειν] μακρὰ δ᾽ ἴσως ἔσται ἐάν τις ἐξηγῆται cont. Apion. 7 πλὴν ὡς ὄντα Dindorf: πλὴν ὅσον τὰ SP: πλησίον τὲ τὰ RO: πλὴν ὅσον τὲ τὰ LV: verum tamen hoe sciendum quia dum essent Lat.: πλὴν ὄντα ye ὑπερβολὴν ὡς cont. Apion. : πλὴν ὄντα ὑπερβολῇ Syncellus. 8. ὑψηλὰ cont. Apion. 282 ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 224-227 with another one,’ and, in order that besiegers might no longer be able to divert the course of the river and direct it against the city,* he surrounded _ the inner city with three walls and the outer one _ with three, those of the inner city being of burnt _ brick and bitumen, while those of the outer city _ were of brick alone.? After walling about the city in this remarkable way and adorning the gate- _ towers as befitted their sacred character, he built, where his father’s palace was, another palace adjoin- ing it, of the height of which and its magnificence in other respects it would perhaps be extravagant ¢ of me to speak, except to say that in spite of its being so great and splendid it was completed in _ fifteen days. In this palace he erected retaining walls of stone, to which he gave an appearance very like that of mountains and, by planting on them trees of all kinds, he achieved this effect, and built 1 _ the so-called hanging garden’ because his wife, , who had been brought up in the region of Media, | had a desire for her native’ environment.” Mega- Mega- 4 οἱ . ἕ sthenes sthenes’ also mentions these facts in the fourth jfhenes ἢ “---α The text here is very difficult and in part corrupt; in emending it I have in part followed earlier scholars. _ » Text emended after Ap. * Variant in Ap. “ tedious ” (lit. “* long ”’). : 4 Meaning uncertain; Dr. Thackeray in Ap. translates “ἢ terraces.” “ Paradeisos “ garden” is a loan-word from Persian, originally meaning “ hunting-park.” As Dr. Thackeray notes in Ap., this hanging garden was regarded as one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, cf. Diodorus ii. 7 ff. 7 Variant in Ap. “ mountainous.” . " Cf. Ap. i. 144 note c. ® δὲ ins. Niese. 10 ὀρείας cont. Apion. 283 ee ee Le JOSEPHUS νεύει αὐτῶν, δι’ ἧς ἀποφαίνειν πειρᾶται τοῦτον τὸν βασιλέα τῇ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῶν πράξεων ε , 1 \ « , / ὑπερβεβληκότα' τὸν Ἡρακλέα: καταστρέψασθαι A > / A 4 A λλὴ ‘ ia | , yap αὐτόν φησι Λιβύης τὴν πολλὴν Kai ᾿Ιβηρίαν. 228 καὶ Διοκλῆς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν Περσικῶν μνημο- νεύει τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ Φιλόστρατος ἐν ταῖς Ἰνδικαῖς καὶ Φοινικικαῖς ἱστορίαις, ὅτι οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπολιόρκησε τὴν Τύρον ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ δέκα βασιλεύοντος κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ᾽Ἴθω- βάλου τῆς Τύρου. καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων ioTo- ρούμενα περὶ τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως ταῦτα ἦν. 999 (9) Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ναβουχοδονοσόρου τελευτὴν ᾿Αβιλμαθαδάχος" ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν παρα- μαθαδάχ τὴ ρα / a“ > \ A ~ « ,ὔ λαμβάνει, ὃς εὐθὺς τὸν τῶν ἱἱεροσολύμων βασιλέα *leyoviav® τῶν δεσμῶν ἀφεὶς ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις “- , \ 7 A x ‘ ‘ τῶν φίλων εἶχε, πολλὰς αὐτῷ δωρεὰς δοὺς καὶ ’ὔ PME? Bk Ba | ~ > “-“ / , 4 ποιήσας αὐτὸν' ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν TH BaBvAwvia βασιλέων" 930 6 γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τὴν πίστιν οὐκ ἐφύλαξεν ᾿Ιεχονίᾳ παραδόντι μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων καὶ τῆς συγγενείας ὅλης ἑκουσίως αὑτὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς ἂν μὴ κατασκαφείη ληφθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῆς πολιορ- , ‘ , /, A> 231 κίας, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν. τελευτήσαντος de’ Αβιλ- μαθαδάχου μετὰ ἔτη ὀκτωκαίδεκα τῆς βασιλείας, 1 Niese: ὑπερβεβηκότα codd. ἶ 2 Niese: ᾿Αβιαμαθαδάχος (RYO: ᾿Αβελμάρθαχος P: ᾿Αβελμά- θαχος ὃ: ᾿Αβιλαμαρώδαχος LV: ᾿Αβαραμάναχαι E: Amil- mathapacus qui et Abimathadocus Lat 3 Iechoniam qui et loachim Lat. 4 ἔντιμον P?: αὐτὸν ἔντιμον Hudson. : Πα Nothing is known of a Diocles who wrote a History of | Persia. There were, however, several ancient historians of / this name, * 984 —— JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 227-231 book of his History of India, where he attempts to Philostratos show that this king surpassed Heracles in bravery joie al _ and in the greatness of his deeds, saying that he %%,4?-+- _ subdued the greater part of Libya and Iberia. And ᾿ς Diocles, as well, mentions this king in the second _ book of his History of Persia* ; and Philostratos » _ in his History of India® and of Phoenicia writes _ that this king besieged Tyre for thirteen years at _ the time when Ithobalos was king of Tyre.° This, then, is what has been written about this king by all the historians. (2) After the death of Nebuchadnezzar his son Evil-mero- ζ Abilmathadachos,? who took over the royal power, Si Gb > at once released Jechonias,’ the king of Jerusalem, a from his chains and kept him as one of his closest Nebuchad- friends, giving him many gifts and setting him above 224" the kings in Babylonia. For his father had not kept Jehoiachin faith with Jechonias when he voluntarily surrendered Ὁ κι himself with his wives and children and all his rela- ceigt oe tives for the sake of his native city, that it might not wk be taken by siege and razed, as we have said before.’ When Abilmathadachos died after reigning eighteen Of, Ap. 1. re ry ery ae oe > Weill emends to “ Judaea” (‘Iovdaixais), As Philo- _ Stratos is known to us only through these excerpts in Josephus, there is no way of determining whether we should read * India ’’ or “ Judaea.” _ © The same statement is made in the excerpt from the Pragya records " (probably Menander of Ephesus) in p. i. 156. 4 Conjectured form; mss. Abiamathadachos, Abelma(r)- thachos, εἰς. : variant in Ap. Eveilmaradichos; bibl. Evil- merodach. Scripture does not mention the (historical) fact that he was the son of Nebuchadnezzar. * Bibl. Jehoiachin, cf. § 97 note c. _ 4 §97. This explanation of Evil-merodach’s motive is an addition to Scripture. 285 JOSEPHUS ᾿Ηγλίσαρος" ὁ παῖς, αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαμβάνει, καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα καταστρέ- ge τὸν βίον. μετὰ δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Λαβοσόρδαχον" ᾿ ἀφικνεῖται τῆς βασιλείας ἡ ἣ διαδοχή, καὶ μῆνας ποιήσασα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τοὺς πάντας ἐννέα τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ μεταβαίνει πρὸς Βαλτασάρην" τὸν καλούμενον Ναβοάνδηλον" παρὰ τοῖς Βαβυ- 282 λωνίοις. ἐπὶ τοῦτον στρατεύουσι Κῦρός τε ὃ 233 Περσῶν βασιλεὺς καὶ Δαρεῖος ὁ Μήδων. καὶ πολιορκουμένῳ αὐτῷ" ἐν Βαβυλῶνι θαυμάσιόν τι καὶ τεράστιον θέαμα συνέβη": κατέκειτο δειπνῶν καὶ πίνων" ἐν οἴκῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ πρὸς ἑστιάσεις / \ \ ~ ‘ πεποιημένῳ βασιλικὰς μετὰ τῶν παλλακίδων καὶ ~ ΄ / \ > am, f > , I τῶν φίλων. δόξαν δὲ αὐτῷ, κομισθῆναι κελεύει ἐκ a 207 ~ \ “ ~ / Δ A τοῦ ἰδίου ναοῦ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ σκεύη, ἃ συλήσας Na- 1 ᾿Ιγλίσαρος SP: Νιγλίσαρος Ak ie Helesarus, Bh tis Tat. codd. 2 Λαβροσόδαχον S 3 Βαλτάσαριν (-apw Ο) OSP: Basu LV. 4 Naboan Lat. Ρ πολιορκουμένῳ αὐτῷ E: πολιορκουμένων τοὺς codd. ῳ καὶ πίνων om. SPLVE Lat. 7 καὶ πρὸς SP: καὶ yup@ E: καὶ ἀργυρῷ εἰς O: καὶ ἄργυρος εἰς L: καὶ σκευῶν ἦν πολὺς ἄργυρος εἰς V: evan. R. « The excerpt from Berosus in Ap. i. 147 gives only 2 years to Evil-merodach (Bab. Amel-Marduk), which agrees with historical fact. According to rabbinic tradition he reigned 23 years, cf. Ginzberg iv. 344, vi. 430 (with corrections). ὃ Variants here Iglisaros, Niglisaros, in Ap. Nériglisaros, etc. His name in Babylonian was Nergal-sar-usur, which appears as Nergal-sareser in Jer. xxxix. 8, cf. ὃ 135 note’ d. He was not a son of Evil-merodach. © Variant here Labrosodachos, in 4p. Laborosoardochos. His name in Babylonian was Labasi-Marduk. 4 From March to the end of summer, 556 8.c., a¢cording to R. Campbell Thompson in the Cambridge Ancient History, iii. 918. 286 ee ss JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 231-233 years# his son Eglisaros® took over the royal power and held it for forty years until the end of his life. After him the succession to the throne fell to his son Labosordachos 5 and, after holding it nine months in all,* he died ; it then passed to Baltasarés,” who was called Naboandélos’ by the Babylonians. Belshazzar's It was against him that Cyrus, king of Persia, and S2"" Darius, king of Media, took the field’; and, while Ds. v. 1. he was being besieged in Babylon, there appeared to him a wonderful and portentous vision as he re- clined at table, feasting and drinking” in a great hall‘ made for royal entertainments, with his con- cubines and friends, for, as it pleased him to do so, he ordered that there be brought from his own temple the vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had taken : * Variants Baltasaris, -aros; : bibl. Belshazzar, .xx _ Badracdp. He is not mentioned in the parallel in Ap. or in the excerpts from Berosus and Alexander Polyhistor preserved in Eusebius’s Chronicon. . 7 Variant in Ap. Nabonnédos. His Babylonian name was Nabu-na’id. Belshazzar was actually the son and co-ruler of Nabonidus (the usual modern form derived from Gr.), although he is called the son of Nebuchadnezzar in Scripture (which some ancient Jewish authorities explained as meaning “grandson ”’). Josephus probably identifies Belshazzar (the a last Babylonian king according to Scripture) with Nabonidus Ἅ because in the Greek sources (e.g. Herodotus and Berosus) ὁ the last Babylonian king is called Nabonidus (Labynétos, ~y son of Labynétos, in Herodotus). σ Darius the Mede is mentioned here (his name does not occur in the parallel in Ap.) because of the bibl. statement, Dan. y..31, that he “ took the kingdom ” (of Babylon). So too rabbinic tradition associates Darius with Cyrus in the capture of Babylon, οὐ Ginzberg vi. 431. Actually there was no Median king Darius contemporary with Cyrus, ¥ cf. 248 note d. * The variant omits ‘ and drinking. * Variant “ in a great silver hall.” OOO νννδν νι.“ᾳ“«ᾳ«. eee a i | 287 JOSEPHUS βουχοδονόσορος ex τῶν ‘lepocoddpwv οὐκ ἐχρῆτο μέν, εἰς δὲ τὸν αὑτοῦ" ναὸν κατέθηκεν. αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπὸ θράσους προαχθεὶς ὥστε αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι, A , A ~ μεταξὺ πίνων καὶ βλασφημῶν εἰς" τὸν θεόν, ἐκ τοῦ τείχους ὁρᾷ χεῖρα προϊοῦσαν καὶ τῷ τοίχῳ 284 τινὰς συλλαβὰς ἐγγράφουσαν. ταραχθεὶς. δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς ὄψεως συνεκάλεσε τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς Χαλ- δαίους καὶ πᾶν τοῦτο τὸ γένος ὅσον ἦν ἐν τοῖς Βαβυλωνίοις" τά τε σημεῖα καὶ τὰ ὀνείρατα κρίνειν δυνάμενον, ὡς ἂν αὐτῷ δηλώσωσι τὰ γεγραμμένα. 235 τῶν δὲ μάγων οὐδὲν εὑρίσκειν δυναμένων οὐδὲ συνιέναι λεγόντων, ὑπ᾽ ἀγωνίας 6 βασιλεὺς καὶ πολλῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ λύπης κατὰ πᾶσαν ἐκήρυξε τὴν χώραν, τῷ τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν δηλουμένην διάνοιαν σαφῆ ποιήσαντι δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος στρεπτὸν περιαυχένιον χρύσεον καὶ ~ > ~ cal € ¢ nn ,ὔ πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν, ὡς οἱ τῶν Χαλδαίων βασιλεῖς, καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς. 236 τούτου γενομένου τοῦ κηρύγματος ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ μάγοι συνδραμόντες καὶ φιλοτιμησάμενοι πρὸς τὴν εὕρεσιν τῶν γραμμάτων οὐδὲν ἔλαττον ἠπόρησαν. 237 ἀθυμοῦντα δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτῳ θεασαμένη τὸν βασιλέα ἡ Ἶ μάμμη αὐτοῦ παραθαρσύνειν ἤρξατο καὶ λέγειν ὡς a > \4 ~ > / > ,ὔ ? A ‘ ἔστι τις ἀπὸ" τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας αἰχμάλωτος ἐκεῖθεν τὸ 1 Niese: αὐτοῦ SPLVE: αὐτὸν O: evan. R. 2 πρὸς RO: secl. Niese. 3 βαρβάροις LV Lat. 4 ἐκ LVE. * The references to the private temples of Belshazzar and Nebuchadnezzar are unscriptural details. > It is not clear why J Josephus distinguishes here between τεῖχος (usu. = “ city-wall’ Ἢ and τοῖχος (usu. =“ house-wall Ἂν Scripture says, ‘‘ there came forth fingers of a man’s hand and wrote opposite the candelabrum on the plaster of the wall (Lxx and Theod. τοίχου) of the king’s palace.” Possibly 288 ee eee RNA ος "σον θῖν ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 233-237 as spoil from Jerusalem but instead of using them had deposited in his own temple.*_ Baltasarés, how- ever, went so far in his audacity as to use them, and, while drinking and blaspheming God, he saw a hand coming out of the wall and writing certain lables on (another) wall. Being troubled by is vision, he summoned the Magi and Chaldaeans and all of that class who were in Babylonia* and could interpret signs and dreams, in order that they might inform him what the writing meant. But, when the Magi were unable to read anything and said that they did not understand it, the king felt great anxiety and distress about the miraculous vision and made a proclamation throughout the entire country, promising to give to anyone who would make plain the writing and the meaning con- tained therein a necklace of linked ¢ gold and purple dress to wear like the kings of Chaldaea, and the third part of his own realm. When this proclamation was made, the Magi gathered in still greater num- bers and made still greater efforts to read the writing, but were no less at a loss than before. . Seeing the king despondent oyer this, his grandmother 5 began to console him by saying that there was a certain captive from Judaea, a native of that country, who Josephus’s reference to the two (?) walls is based on Theod.’s reading “* on the plaster of the wall and of the king’s palace.” * The variant “among the barbarians” is evidently : corrupt... * Aram. hamnika (A.V. “ chain”) and txx-Theod. μανιάκης are both derived from Persian hamydnak, the exact κατ τι of which is uncertain but is some kind of necklace. * Bibl. “the queen.” Many ancient commentators assumed that this was the wife of Nebuchadnezzar and so the grandmother (according to rabbinic tradition, ef. § 231 note ἢ) of Belshazzar. 289 The Magi are unable to interpret the writing on the wall. Dan. v. 8. 238 239 JOSEPHUS rf évos ἀχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ναβουχοδονοσόρου πορθή- γ ρθή σαντος “Ἱεροσόλυμα “Δανίηλος ὄνομα, “σοφὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δεινὸς εὑρεῖν' τὰ ἀμήχανα καὶ μόνῳ τῷ θεῷ γνώριμα, ὃς Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ σῷ βασιλεῖ μηδενὸς ἄλλου δυνηθέντος εἰπεῖν περὶ ὧν ἔχρῃζεν εἰς φῶς ἤγαγε τὰ ζητούμενα. μεταπεμψάμενον" οὖν αὐτὸν ἠξίου παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πυνθάνεσθαι περὶ τῶν γραμμάτων καὶ τὴν ἀμαθίαν τὴν τῶν οὐχ “εὑρόντων͵ αὐτὰ κατακρίνειν, κἂν σκυθρωπὸν ἢ τὸ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ σημαινόμενον. (3) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας καλεῖ τὸν Δανίηλον ὁ Βαλ- τασάρης καὶ διαλεχθεὶς ὡς πύθοιτο περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς σοφίας ὅτι τὸ" θεῖον αὐτῷ πνεῦμα συμπάρεστι καὶ μόνος ἐξευρεῖν ἱκανώτατος ἃ μὴ τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἔρχεται, φράζειν αὐτῷ τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ / ’ / > ’ὔ ~ ‘ ͵ὕὔ 240 τι αἰνει VUELV ἰου" ἐν ἐράνους αρ ποι sapien’ μ μ ἢ 241 πορφύραν δώσειν ἐνδεδύσθαι καὶ χρύσεον περὶ τὸν αὐχένα στρεπτὸν καὶ τὸ τρίτον τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ μέρος τιμὴν καὶ γέρας τῆς σοφίας, ὡς ἂν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπισημότατος γένοιτο τοῖς ὁρῶσι καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐφ᾽ ἡ τούτων ἔτυχε πυνθανομένοις. Δανίηλος δὲ τὰς \ 4 ot Sag a {5} A Ἂς \ \ μὲν δωρεὰς αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἠξίου (τὸ yap σοφὸν Kat θεῖον ἀδωροδόκητον εἶναι καὶ προῖκα τοὺς δεο- μένους ὠφελεῖν) μηνύσειν' δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ γεγραμμένα σημαίνοντα καταστροφὴν αὐτῷ τοῦ βίου, ὅ ὅτι μηδ᾽ οἷς 6 πρόγονος αὐτοῦ διὰ τὰς εἰς θεὸν ὕβρεις > /, 4, » ᾽ a \ \ ¢ A ἐκολάσθη τούτοις teenie εὐσεβεῖν Kat μηδὲν ὑπὲρ 1 ἐξευρεῖν LVE. 2 ed. pr.: εταπεμψάμενος codd. E. τὸ om. RO. . p2 Lat.: μηνύειν rell.: μηνύει Dindort @ The reference to the ‘‘ dark outlook ᾿ is an unscriptural detail. 290 eS ee Oe eee a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 237-241 had been brought from there by Nebuchadnezzar when he sacked Jerusalem; his name was Daniel and he was a wise man and skilful in discovering things beyond man’s power and known only to God, and he had brought to light what King Nebuchad- nezzar had tried to find, when no one else was able to tell him what he wanted to know. She therefore begged the king to send for him and inquire of him ing the writing and so condemn the ignorance of those who could not read it, even though a dark outlook might be indicated by God.* (3) On hearing this, Baltasarés called Daniel and, Daniel after telling him that he had learned of him and his {Ph wisdom and of the divine spirit that attended him Dan. v. 13. and how he alone was fully able to discover things which were not within the understanding of others, he asked him to tell him what the writing was and to explain its meaning, for, he said, if Daniel did this, __ he would give him purple to wear and put a chain of _ linked gold about his neck and give him a third of his _ realm as an honour and reward for his wisdom, so _ that through these he might become most illustrious to all who saw him and asked the reason why he had obtained them.” Then Daniel begged him to keep his presents—for, he said, that which was wise and divine could not be bought with gifts but freely benefited those who asked for help “—and said that he would explain the writing to him ; it signified that his life would come to an end because not even from the punishment which his ancestor had suffered for __ his insolence to God had he learned to be pious and | Ὁ. The last part of this sentence (“‘ so that through these,” ᾿ς etc.) is an addition to Scripture. _ ® Bibl. “ Let thy gifts be to thyself and give thy rewards _ to another.” 291 a Dn Dee JOSEPHUS 242 τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν μηχανᾶσθαι" ἀλλὰ καὶ ΝΝαβουχοδονοσόρου μεταστάντος εἰς δίαυταν θηρίων ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠσέβησε καὶ μετὰ πολλὰς ἱκεσίας καὶ δεή- > / > a > 4 > / / σεις ἐλεηθέντος ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν, καὶ διὰ ταῦτα τὸν θεὸν ὡς τὴν ἅπασαν ἔχοντα δύναμιν καὶ προνοούμενον τῶν ἀνθρώπων͵ μέχρις οὗ καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν. ὑμνοῦντος, λήθην αὐτὸς ἔλαβε τούτων καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἐβλασφή- μῆσε τὸ" θεῖον, τοῖς δὲ σκεύεσιν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν 243 παλλακίδων διηκονεῖτο. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν" ὁρῶντα τὸν θεὸν ὀργισθῆναι αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ τῶν γεγραμμένων προκαταγγέλλειν εἰς οἷον αὐτὸν καταστρέψαι δεῖ / > / A A ᾽ὔ 3 4 ce 4 τέλος. ἐδήλου δὲ τὰ γράμματα τάδε" pawn: τούτῳ" dé,” ἔλεγεν, * “Ἑλλάδι γλώσσῃ σημαίνοιτ᾽ ἂν ἀριθμός, ὥσπερ τῆς ζωῆς σου τὸν" χρόνον καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἠρίθμηκεν ὃ θεὸς καὶ περισσεύειν ἔτι 244 σοι βραχὺν Χρόνον. θεκέλ' σημαΐνει τοῦτο τὸν σταθμόν' στήσας οὖν σου, λέγει, “ὁ τὸν χρόνον τῆς , a ’ βασιλείας ὁ θεὸς ἤδη καταφερομένην δηλοῖ. φαρές" καὶ τοῦτο κλάσμα δηλοῖ καθ᾽ “Ἑλλάδα γλῶτταν" / “ ‘ / \ / κλάσει τοιγαροῦν cov τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ Μήδοις αὐτὴν καὶ ἸΤέρσαις διανεμεῖ.᾽᾽ 245 (4) Δανιήλου δὲ ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ σημαίνειν φράσαντος τὰ ἐν τῷ τοίχῳ γράμματα τὸν μὲν Βαλτασάρην, οἷον εἰκὸς ἐφ᾽ οὕτω χαλεποῖς τοῖς 246 δεδηλωμένοις, λύπη καὶ συμφορὰ κατέλαβεν: οὐ μὴν ὡς προφήτῃ αὐτῷ κακῶν γενομένῳ τὰς δωρεὰς ἃς ὑπέσχετο δώσειν οὐ δίδωσιν, ἀλλὰ πάσας παρ- 1 εἰς 7d V. 2 οὖν om. RO. 3 γεγραμμένα ΤΙΝῈ. 4 Dindorf: τοῦτο codd. E, 5 gov τὸν] τοσοῦτον SP!: σου τοσοῦτον LV: οὕτως σου τὸν Εἰ. 202 ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 242-246 not to attempt things beyond the natural power of man; on the contrary, though Nebuchadnezzar’s way of living had been changed to that of beasts because of his impieties, and only on obtaining (God's) mercy after many supplications and entreaties had he been restored to a human way of living and to his kingdom and had therefore until the day of his death praised God as the possessor of all power and the guardian of men, Baltasarés had forgotten these things and had grievously blasphemed the Deity and had allowed himself with his concubines to be served from His vessels. Seeing these things, he said, God had become wrathful with him and was making known beforehand through this writing to what an end he must come. Now the meaning of the letters was as follows. “‘ Mané: this,” he said, “‘ would in the Greek tongue signify ‘ number ’ ; that is to say, God has numbered the time of your life and reign, and there still remains for you a brief while. Thekel : this means ‘ weight’ ; for God has weighed the time _ of your kingship and shows that it is already declin- _ ing.* Phares: this means ‘a break’ in the Greek _ tongue ; accordingly He will break up your kingdom and divide it between the Medes and the Persians.”’ ὃ (4) When Daniel told the king that this was what gejshazzar the writing on the wall signified, Baltasarés, as was honours natural upon the revelation of such dread news, was Dan. v. 29. seized with grief and unhappiness. Nevertheless he did not, on the ground that Daniel was a prophet of evil to him, withhold from him the gifts he had promised, but gave him all of them, reasoning, in the 2 Bibl. “ wanting.” ® For ἃ summary of modern interpretations of the writing see J. A, Montgomery’s Commentary on Daniel, pp. 261 ff. 293 JOSEPHUS ἔσχε, τὸ" μὲν ἐφ᾽ οἷς δοθήσονται λογιζόμενος ἴδιον > 2 \ lod ae ΝΣ ΣΝ > a Ά, lon / αὐτοῦ" Kal τῆς ἀνάγκης," ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ τοῦ προφητεύ- σαντος εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ὡμολογημένα" κρίνων" dvips ἀγαθοῦ καὶ δικαίου, κἂν ἦ σκυθρωπὰ τὰ μέλλοντα 941 συμβαίνειν αὐτῷ: καὶ ὁ μὲν οὕτως" ἔκρινε, μετ᾽ οὐ \ \ / > / ΦᾺ 7 \ c ae πολὺν δὲ χρόνον αὐτός τε ἐλήφθη καὶ ἡ πόλις, Κύρου τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατεύ- σαντος: Βαλτάσαρος γάρ ἐστιν ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὴν αἵρεσιν ~ ~ / / 7 i τῆς Βαβυλῶνος συνέβη γενέσθαι, βασιλεύσαντος 948 αὐτοῦ ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη. τῶν μὲν οὖν Ναβουχο- δονοσόρου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγγόνων τὸ τέλος τοιοῦτον παρειλήφαμεν γενόμενον: Δαρείῳ δὲ τῷ κατα- λύσαντι τὴν Βαβυλωνίων ἡγεμονίαν μετὰ Κύρου τοῦ συγγενοῦς ἔτος ἦν ἑξηκοστὸν καὶ δεύτερον, ὅτε A ~ Δ > > 4 6:5 eer ν τὴν Βαβυλῶνα εἷλεν, ὃς ἣν ᾿Αστυάγους υἱός, ἕτερον A A a σ > ~ Μ “a 249 δὲ παρὰ τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν ἐκαλεῖτο ὄνομα" ὃς καὶ 1 παρέσχε, τὸ] παρέσχετο SP. ι ; 2 ‘ > Ν > - A} A > / - ,΄ μὲν ἐφ᾽. . . ἴδιον αὐτοῦ] τὴν μὲν ἀπειλημένην τῆς βασιλείας καθαίρεσιν P2™, ; 3 πεπρωμένης P'LV: πεπρωμένης ἀνάγκης SP?. ; 4 προφητεύσαντος. . . ὡμολογημένα] προφητεύσαντος εἶναι λογισάμενος τὴν δὲ τῶν ἐπηγγελμένων ἐκπλήρωσιν P2™,- ᾿ 5 κρίναι ROLY Lat. ΤΑΣ S αὐτῷ. . οὕτως Naber: αὐτῷ SP: καὶ οὕτως LV: καὶ 6 μὲν οὕτως ed. pr. bie * Text uncertain ; possibly we should render, “ and so he (Daniel) had interpreted.” This explanation of Belshazzar’s motive in rewarding Daniel is an addition to Scripture. _ » Bibl. “ in the same night.” “ Where Josephus derived the above figure is unknown. Curiously enough it is supported by the Babylonian records which give 17 years for the reign of Nabonidus with whom Josephus identifies Belshazzar (cf. § 231). Nabonidus reigned from 556-539 B.c., cf. R. Campbell Thompson in the Cambridge Ancient History, iii. 224 note 1. According to 294 erway JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 246-249 first place, that the things for the prophesying of which they were to be given were peculiar to himself _ and his destiny and in no way attributable to the _ one who had prophesied them, and judging, in the second place, that they had been promised to a man who was good and just, even though the future should turn out to be dark for himself; this, then, was his decision. And not long afterwards’ both he and the city were captured when Cyrus, the king of Persia, marched against it. For it was in the time of Baltasaros that the capture of Babylon took place, in the seventeenth year of his reign.* Such, then, as we learn from history, was the end to which the descendants of King Nebuchadnézzar came. Now Darius takes Darius, who with his relative Cyrus put an’end to the B227'";, _ Babylonian sovereignty, was in his sixty-second year (Aram. vi. _ when he took Babylon; he was a son of Astyages but was called by another name among the Greeks.? rabbinic tradition Belshazzar reigned only 2 years, ef. Ginz- berg vi. 430. . 4 The identity of “‘ Darius the Mede” (a son of Ahasuerus _ =Xerxes, according to Dan. ix. 1; cf. txx reading Arta- _ xerxes for Darius in v. 31) has long been a puzzle. The _ various identifications proposed—with Cambyses II, with Gobryas, the Median general assisting Cyrus, with Cyaxares or Astyages, Median kings—are discussed and rejected by H. H. Rowley in a recent book, Darius the Mede. He observes, ἢ. 15, note 3, that ‘* Josephus’s statement is inspired, of course, by the same harmonistic purpose as the modern a ents with which we are dealing. He found no place _ in his se¢ular sources for the Darius the Mede of his biblical source, and so he resorted to this vague statement to mask the difficulty.” To this I might add that the medieval _ Jewish commentators say that Darius the Mede (whom they _ distinguish from the later Persian Darius) was a father-in- law of Cyrus, but this statement does not seem to be based on yery old rabbinic sources. 295 JOSEPHUS Aavinhov TOV προφήτην λαβὼν ἤ ἤγαγεν εἰς Μηδίαν πρὸς αὑτὸν καὶ πάσης αὐτῷ τιμῆς μεταδιδοὺς εἶχε σὺν αὑτῷ: τῶν τριῶν γὰρ σατραπῶν ἦν, οὗς ἐπὶ τῶν ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων σατραπειῶν κατέ- στησε" τοσούτους γὰρ ἐποίησε Δαρεῖος εἰς αὐτήν." 260, (65) Δανίηλος τοίνυν ὧν ἐν τοιαύτῃ τιμῇ καὶ 251 252 λαμπρᾷ σπουδῇ παρὰ τῷ Δαρείῳ. καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μόνος, ὡς ἂν ἔχων τὸ θεῖον πεπιστευ- μένος ἐν αὑτῷ, παραλαμβανόμενος" ,ἐφθονήθη: βασκαίνουσι γὰρ ot μᾶλλον αὐτῶν ἑτέρους ἐν πλείονι τιμῇ παρὰ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι βλέποντες. ζητούντων δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀφορμὴν διαβολῆς καὶ κατηγορίας τῶν ἀχθομένων ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ εὐδοκιμοῦντι παρὰ τῷ Δαρείῳ παρεῖχεν αἰτίαν οὐδεμίαν: ὧν γὰρ καὶ χρημάτων ἐπάνω καὶ παντὸς λήμματος περι- ορῶν, αἴσχιστον αὐτῷ δοκῶν" κἂν ὑπὲρ ὧν δοθείη καλῶς τι προσλαβεῖν," οὐδ᾽ ἡντιναοῦν τοῖς ζηλο- τυποῦσιν αὐτὸν ἐγκλημάτων εὕρεσιν παρεῖχεν. οἱ δ᾽ ὡς οὐδὲν εἶχον, ὃ κατειπόντες αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ζημιώσουσιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τιμὴν αἰσχύνῃ καὶ διαβολῇ, τρόπον ἄλλον ἐζήτουν * εἰς ταύτην SPL: om. : τοσούτους... αὐτήν om. E Lat. 2 ἐν αὑτῷ παραλαμβανόμενος om. Lat., ed. pr. ed. pr.: δοκεῖν codd. : δοκοῦν Cocceji. ὁ καλῶς τι προσλαβεῖν Naber: καλῶς πρὸς τὸ λαβεῖν codd. « Text uncertain. What Josephus means by so many rulers in each (satrapy)”’ is a puzzle, since he gives only the number of satraps in all. In any case he differs from Scripture which says, “‘ It pleased Darius to set over the kingdom a fundred and twenty satraps (A.V. “ princes”), who should be over the whole. kingdom. And’ over these three sar*kin (A. Vv." ‘ presidents,” LXX ἡγουμένους “ governors,” Theod., τακτικούς ‘ officers ’’) of whom Daniel was one” (A.Y. 296 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 249-252 And he took the prophet Daniel to his own palace in Media and kept him by his side, bestowing every _ honour on him. For Daniel was one of the three satraps whom he appointed over the three hundred and sixty satrapies ; so many rulers did Darius create in each satrapy.* : (5) And so Daniel, being held in such great honour The Median and such dazzling favour by Darius and being the 700!es,plot only one associated with him in all matters because destruction. he was believed to have the divine spirit in him,” Ὁ ἢ became a prey to envy, for men are jealous when they see others held by kings in greater honour than themselves. . But, although those who were resentful of the esteem in which he was held by Darius sought _ some pretext for slander and accusation against him, _ he never gave them a single cause, for, being superior _ to considerations of money and scorning any kind of _ gain and thinking it most disgraceful to accept any- _ thing even if it were given for a proper cause,’ he did not let those who were envious of him find a single und for complaint ; since these men, therefore, had nothing to bring against him before the king and _ so injure him in the king’s esteem by their abuse and slander, they sought other means of getting him “ first’). According to the book of Esther there were 127 provinces in the Persian kingdom. Herodotus says there were 20 in the time of Darius (I.). Apparently Josephus _ understood Scripture to mean that there were 3 satraps in each satrapy, making 360 satraps in all, but has expressed _himself carelessly in speaking of 360 satrapies instead of _ 360 satraps. But it is also possible that the text is corrupt _ and that his real meaning has been obscured. _ ὃ Text and meaning slightly uncertain. The preceding is _ an amplification of Scripture which says merely that “ he _ was faithful and no error or corruption (A.V. “‘ fault”) was _ found in him.” 297 JOSEPHUS καθ᾽ ὃν αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσονται. ὁρῶντες οὖν τὸν Δανίηλον τρὶς τῆς ἡμέρας προσευχόμενον τῷ θεῷ, πρόφασιν ἔγνωσαν εὑρηκέναι δι᾿ ἧς ἀπολέ- 253 σουσιν αὐτόν. καὶ πρὸς τὸν Δαρεῖον ἐλθόντες ἀπ- ἤγγελλον αὐτῷ ὡς τοῖς σατράπαις αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι δόξειεν ἐπὶ τριάκονθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἀνεῖναι τὸ πλῆθος, ὅπως μήτ᾽ αὐτῷ τις μήτε τοῖς θεοῖς δεό- μενος αὐτῶν καὶ εὐχόμενος εἴη, τὸν μέντοι ye αὐτῶν παραβάντα ταύτην τὴν γνώμην εἰς τὸν τῶν λεόντων ἔκριναν ῥῖψαι λάκκον ἀπολούμενον. 254 (6) ‘O δὲ βασιλεὺς οὐ συνιδὼν τὴν κακουργίαν αὐτῶν οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν Δανίηλον ταῦτα κατεσκευασμέ- vous ὑπονοήσας ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔφη δεδογμένοις, καὶ κυρώσειν τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν. ἐπαγγελλόμενος προτίθησι πρόγραμμα δηλοῦν τῷ 255 πλήθει τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς σατράπαις. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες φυλαττόμενοι τὰ προστεταγμένα μὴ ~ ? / / A \ > παραβῆναι ἠρέμουν, Δανιήλῳ δὲ φροντὶς οὐδ᾽ ἡτισοῦν τούτων ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔθος εἶχεν ἱστάμενος 256 ηὔχετο τῷ θεῷ πάντων ὁρώντων. οἱ δὲ σατράπαι τῆς ἀφορμῆς αὐτοῖς ἣν ἐσπούδαζον λαβεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν Δανίηλον παραφανείσης εὐθὺς ἧκον πρὸς τὸν βα- σιλέα καὶ κατηγόρουν ὡς παραβαίνοντος μόνου τοῦ Δανιήλου τὰ προστεταγμένα: μηδενὸς γὰρ τῶν ἄλλων τολμῶντος προσεύχεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ οὐ dv ἀσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ φυλακὴν καὶ 257 διατήρησιν"... ὑπὸ τοῦ φθόνου: ἀπὸ γὰρ μείζονος 1 εὐσέβειαν L. 2 post διατήρησιν lacunam statuit Holwerda: sed propter custodiam fieret praeceptorum, ille contemnens praecepta ad suum oraret deum Lat. @ According to Scripture prayers addressed to the king were excepted from the prohibition. 298 a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 252-257 _ outof the way. Accordingly, when they saw Daniel _ praying to God three times a day, they realized that _ they had found a pretext for destroying him. And, _ going to Darius, they informed him that his satraps _ and governors had resolved to give the people a _ respite for thirty days during which no one should address a petition or prayer either to him or to their _ gods," and they had, moreover, decided that anyone who transgressed this decree of theirs should be thrown into the lions’ den to perish. (6) Thereupon the king, who did not see through Daniel is their wicked scheme or suspect that they had %fuseicf framed this measure against Daniel, said that he ϑδδεε approved of their decree,’ and, undertaking to ratify Dan. vi. 9 their proposal, issued an edict announcing to the (4™™- 10 people what had been decreed by the satraps. Ac- cordingly, while all the rest of the people took care not to transgress these orders and remained quiet, Daniel took no thought of them whatever but, as his custom was, stood up and prayed to God in the sight of all.¢ Thereupon the satraps, being presented with the opportunity to act against Daniel which they had looked for, straightway went to the king and aceused Daniel of being the only one to trans- his orders. For, they said, though no one else had dared to pray to the gods—and this not because of impiety but in order to observe and preserve . . .4 _ out of envy. For, imagining that Darius might -> Amplification of Scripture which says, “‘ Wherefore King Darius signed the writing and the decree.” * Bibl. “ his windows being open in his upper chamber toward Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees and prayed,” etc. 4 The text is in disorder here, probably because of the loss of some words after “* preserve,”’ less probably because of a _ conflation of variant readings. ; 299. Qa eae a ee ar gee ae 0 a Ὁ νι} JOSEPHUS ἧς προσεδόκων εὐνοίας τοῦτον' ποιεῖν τὸν Δαρεῖον ὑπολαμβάνοντες, ὡς καὶ καταφρονήσαντι τῶν ἐκείνου προσταγμάτων συγγνώμην ἑτοίμως νέμειν, καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦτο βασκαίνοντες τῷ Δανιήλῳ, οὔτε / ‘ , 6 , cr > pa ¥ μετεβάλλοντο πρὸς TO ἡμερώτερον, ῥίπτειν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠξίουν κατὰ τὸν νόμον εἰς τὸν λάκκον τῶν λεόντων, 2 / δ᾽ « Δ “ -“ cs ‘ θ a > ‘ 258 €Amioas o Δαρείιος οτι ρύσεται TO ὕειον auTov \ 29O\ ‘ / \ ς ‘ ~ / ? 7 καὶ οὐδὲν μὴ πάθῃ δεινὸν ὑπὸ τῶν θηρίων, ἐκέ- λευσεν αὐτῷ" εὐθύμως φέρειν τὰ συμβαίνοντα" καὶ βληθέντος εἰς τὸν λάκκον σφραγίσας τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ στομίου κείμενον ἀντὶ θύρας λίθον ἀνεχώρησε, bv ὅλης δ᾽ ἄσιτος τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ ἄυπνος διῆγεν ἀγω- 259 νιῶν περὶ τοῦ Δανιήλου: μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ ἀναστὰς ye \ / > \ , \ o~ ἐπὶ τὸν λάκκον ἦλθε καὶ σωζομένην τὴν σφραγῖδα εὑρών, ἧ σημηνάμενος τὸν λίθον κατελελοίπει, A , \ ἀνοίξας ἀνεβόησε, καλῶν τὸν Δανίηλον καὶ πυνθα- νόμενος εἰ σώζεται. τοῦ δὲ ἐπακούσαντος" τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ μηδὲν παθεῖν εἰπόντος, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν 26 ἀνελκυσθῆναι ἐκ τοῦ λάκκου τοῦ τῶν θηρίων. ot δὲ ἐχθροὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν Δανίηλον μηδὲν πεπον- θότα δεινόν, διὰ μὲν τὸ θεῖον καὶ τὴν τούτου πρόνοιαν οὐκ ἠξίουν αὐτὸν σώζεσθαι, πεπληρω- μένους δὲ τοὺς λέοντας τροφῆς μὴ ἅψασθαι μηδὲ προσελθεῖν τῷ Δανιήλῳ νομίζοντες, τοῦτο ἔλεγον 261 πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ μισήσας αὐτοὺς τῆς πονηρίας παραβληθῆναι μὲν πολλὰ κελεύει τοῖς λέουσι κρέα, κορεσθέντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς 5 con). : τοῦτο codd. αὐτὸν SPLVE. 3 ὑπακούσαντος Ibbetson. « Emended text. mss. “* might do this.” > So Theod. and rxx; Aram. ‘‘ with a mournful voice.” 300 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 257-261 treat him* with greater favour than they had ex- pected, so as readily to pardon him even after he had shown contempt for the king’s orders, and for this very reason being envious of Daniel, they would not adopt a milder course but demanded that he be cast into the lions’ den in accordance with the law. So Darius, hoping that the Deity would save Daniel and that he would suffer no harm from the beasts, bade him bear his fate with good courage. Then, when he had been cast into the den, the king Daniel is sealed the stone that was placed over the entrance #7" from as a door, and withdrew ; and he went without food Dan. vi. 16 or sleep the whole night in his anxiety for Daniel. “4” 1 But, when day came, he arose and went to the den, where he found the seal intact which he had left to mark the stone, and, opening it, he called to Daniel with a shout® and asked whether he was safe. Daniel, on hearing the king, said that he had not been harmed,’ whereupon he ordered him to be _ drawn up from the beasts’ den. Daniel’s enemies, however, on seeing that he had suffered no harm, _ did not choose to believe that it was through the Deity and His providence that he had been saved, _ but held that the lions had been stuffed with food and therefore had not touched Daniel nor come near _ him, and so they told the king. But he, in his de- _ testation of their wickedness, ordered a large quantity _ of meat to be thrown to the lions and, when they _had eaten their fill, commanded Daniel’s enemies ¢ Josephus, in accordance with his usual tendency to ἢ _ rationalize, passes over Daniel’s reference to the angel sent _ by God “ to shut the lions’ mouths,” vs. 22 (Aram. 23). It is noteworthy, however, that the txx, in distinction from _ Theod., has also altered this phrase to ‘‘ God has saved me _ from the lions.” 301 JOSEPHUS τοῦ Δανιήλου προσέταξεν εἰς τὸν λάκκον ἐμβληθῆ- ναι, ὅπως εἰ διὰ κόρον αὐτοῖς οὐ προσήξουσιν" οἱ 262 λέοντες μάθοι. σαφὲς δ᾽ ἐγένετο τῷ Δαρείῳ, τῶν σατραπῶν παραβληθέντων τοῖς θηρίοις, ὅ ὅτι τὸ θεῖον ἔσωσε τὸν Δανίηλον: οὐδενὸς γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐφείσαντο οἱ λέοντες, ἀλλὰ πάντας διεσπάραττον ὡσανεὶ , ,’ὔ " Ay > -“ r > / σφόδρα λιμώττοντες καὶ τροφῆς ἐνδεεῖς. ἠρέθισε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οὐ τὸ πεινῆν, οἶμαι, μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ΤῊΝ A 2 r , 2 HS Ne ε A ἀφθόνων κρεῶν ἐμπεπλησμένους, ἡ τῶν 5 , , / by \ ~ > /, Ἅ ἀνθρώπων κακίᾳ, δήλη γὰρ καὶ τοῖς ἀλόγοις ἂν αὐτὴ ζῴοις" πρὸς τιμωρίαν γένοιτο," τοῦ θεοῦ προαιρουμένου. th ᾿ 208 (7) Διαφθαρέντων οὖν τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων Δα- ΄ “ ‘ / ε 14, } ~ > νιήλῳ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ὁ βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος Kal a ” A Ψ, > ~ ᾿ / «4 ὅλην ἔπεμψε τὴν χώραν ἐπαινῶν. τὸν θεόν ὃν Δανίηλος προσκυνεῖ, καὶ μόνον αὐτὸν εἶναι λέγων ἀληθῆ καὶ τὸ πάντων" κράτος ἔχοντα" ἔσχε δὲ καὶ τὸν Δανίηλον ἐν ὑπερβαλλούσῃ τιμῇ, πρῶτον αὐτὸν 264 ἀποδείξας τῶν φίλων. ὧν δὲ οὕτως ἐπίσημος καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐπὶ δόξῃ" τοῦ θεοφιλὴς εἶναι Δανίηλος ᾽ , oS 7 a a7 , φὠκοδόμησεν ev ᾿Εκβατάνοις τῆς Μηδικῆς" Bapw εὐπρεπέστατόν τι κατασκεύασμα καὶ θαυμασίως πεποιημένον, ἣ μέχρι δεῦρο μὲν ἔστι καὶ σώζεται, 1 προσάξουσιν Ῥ: προσέξουσιν V: προσθίξουσιν E: προσ- ψαύσουσι Zonaras: accederent Lat. , > PLV: “πεπληρωμένους rell. 3 ἂν αὐτὴ ζῴοις ed. pr.: ἐν αὐτῇ ζῴοις LV: ζῴοις ἦν αὕτη tell. * γένοιτο LV ed. pr.: ἣ γένοιτο rell. 5 πᾶν LVE. 6 ὑπὸ δόξης SPLV. 7 LE Lat.: τοῖς Μηδικοῖς rell. 302 — << ve i i JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 261-264 to be cast into the den in order that he might dis- cover whether the lions would refuse to come near them because of satiety.* | When the satraps were thrown to the beasts, it became evident to Darius that it was the Deity who had saved Daniel, for the lions spared no one of them but tore them all to pieces as though they were terribly famished and in need of food. And it was not, I think, the beasts’ hunger that aroused them, for they had been satis- fied a little while before with an abundance of meat, but the wickedness of the men—for this would be apparent even to irrational animals—which resulted in their being punished, as was the intention of God. (7) Now after those who had plotted against Darius Daniel had perished in this manner, King Darius [tg sent throughout the entire country, praising the God Dan. vi. 25 whom Daniel worshipped and saying that He alone “™™ Ὁ was the true and Almighty God. He also showed Daniel extraordinarily high honour by designating him the first of his Friends.® And Daniel, being paniers now so renowned and distinguished because of {ptfress at his reputation as a man dear to God, built at Ecbatana in Media a fortress® which was a very beautiful work and wonderfully made, and remains and is preserved to this day; it appears to those « The ἢ ας: passage on the testing of the lions’ hunger 15 addition to Scripture, to which there is a rabbinic parallel, cf. Ginzberg iv. 349. » Josephus, I think, here uses “friends ” in the Hellenistic sense of nobles of the court. Scripture (Aram. and Theod.) says merely that Daniel “* prospered in the reign (or “ king- eats ᾽ of Darius,” but txx has “ he was appointed over the kingdom of Darius.” 4 © Cf. Dan. viii. 2, “1 was at Shushan μα ΨῊΣ in the fortress (biradh A.V. palace,” Theod. βάρει Ξε fortress,” -Lxx “city,”’),” ete. Cf. next note but one, and 8 269 note c. 303 JOSEPHUS τοῖς δ᾽ ὁρῶσι. δοκεῖ προσφάτως κατεσκευάσθαι καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐκείνης ἧς € ἕκαστος. αὐτὴν ἡμέρας ἱστορεῖ γεγονέναι" οὕτως νεαρὸν αὐτῆς καὶ ἀκμαῖον τὸ κάλλος καὶ μηδαμοῦ γεγηρακὸς ὑπὸ τοσούτου υχρόνου" 265 πάσχει γὰρ καὶ τὰ κατασκευάσματα ταὐτὸν ἀν- θρώποις καὶ πολιοῦται' καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν λυόμενα ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐτῶν καὶ τὴν εὐπρέπειαν μαραινόμενα. θά- πτουσι δ᾽ ἐν τῇ βάρει τούς τε ᾿ Μήδων βασιλέας καὶ Περσῶν καὶ Πάρθων a. ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο, καὶ ὁ ταύτην πεπιστευμένος ᾿Ιουδαῖός ἐστιν ἱερεὺς καὶ τοῦτο 266 γίνεται μέχρι τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας. ἀξιον δὲ τἀνδρὸς τούτου καὶ ὃ μάλιστα. θαυμάσαι τις ἂν ἀκούσας διελθεῖν: ἅπαντα" γὰρ αὐτῷ παραδόξως ὡς ἑνί τινι τῶν μεγίστων εὐτυχήθη προφητῶν, καὶ παρὰ τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον. τιμή τε καὶ δόξα ἡ παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ πλήθους, καὶ τελευ- 267 τήσας δὲ μνήμην αἰώνιον ἔχει. τὰ γὰρ βιβλία, ὅ ὅσα δὴ. συγγραψάμενος καταλέλοιπεν, ἀναγινώσκεται παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν καὶ πεπιστεύκαμεν ἐξ αὐτῶν ὅτι Δανίηλος ὡμίλει τῷ θεῷ: οὐ γὰρ τὰ “μέλλοντα μόνον προφητεύων διετέλει, καθάπερ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι προφῆται, ἀλλὰ καὶ καιρὸν ὥριζεν εἰς ὃν ταῦτα * παλαιοῦται cd Lat. 2 ἀπαντᾷ 3 εὐτυχήθη προφητῶν me ‘Niese cum RO. * Variant “ grow old.” > The medieval Jewish travellers, Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela and Rabbi Pethachya, who visited Mesopotamia and Persia in the 12th century, also mention the mausoleum of Daniel at Susa. Ginzberg vi. 437, citing them and older Christian sources, thinks that these medieval —— may be based on the present passage in Josephus. ppaport also suggests that Josephus may have read about the supposed tomb of Daniel in an apocryphal addition to the 304 που JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 264-267 who view it to have been recently constructed and to have been completed on the very day on which the visitor sees it, so fresh and radiant is its beauty, which has in no way aged in this long period of time—for buildings suffer the same changes as men; they turn grey? and lose their strength with the years, and their beauty fades. In this fortress they bury the kings of Media, Persia and Parthia even now, and the person to whose care it is en- trusted is a Jewish priest ; this custom is observed to this very day.” Now it is fitting to relate certain things about this man (Daniel) which one may greatly wonder at hearing, namely that all things happened to him in a marvellously fortunate way ° as to one of the greatest prophets,’ and during his lifetime he received honour and esteem from kings and people, and, since his death, his memory lives on eternally. For the books ὁ which he wrote and left behind are still read by us even now, and we are convinced by them that Daniel spoke with God, for he was not only wont to prophesy future things, as did the other prophets, but he also fixed the time book of Daniel. Some Jewish sources agree with Josephus in making Daniel end his life at Susa, but Ginzberg says, δ there can be no doubt that the old rabbinic sources quoted were of the opinion that Daniel died in the Holy Land, where he spent the remainder of his life.” * Text uncertain. ¢ For the varying rabbinic opinions as to whether Daniel was a prophet or not see Ginzberg vi. 413. It may be added that in the Hebrew canon of Scripture the book of Daniel is found among the Hagiographa and not the Prophets. ¢ Why Josephus uses the plural is not clear. Possibly he is thinking of various apocryphal additions to the book of Daniel current in his time, either in Heb.-Aram. or Greek, _ although he has not made use of any such apocryphal _ additions as are still extant. 305 JOSEPHUS 268 ἀποβήσεται" καὶ τῶν προφητῶν τὰ χείρω προλε- γόντων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δυσχεραινομένων ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ πλήθους, Δανίηλος ἀγαθῶν ἐγίνετο προφήτης αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς εὐφημίας τῶν προλεγομένων εὔνοιαν ἐπισπᾶσθαι παρὰ πάν- των, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ τέλους αὐτῶν ἀληθείας πίστιν καὶ δόξαν ὁμοῦ θειότητος παρὰ τοῖς ὄχλοις ἀποφέρε- 269 σθαι. κατέλιπε δὲ γράψας, ὅθεν ἡμῖν τὸ" τῆς προφητείας αὐτοῦ ἀκριβὲς καὶ ἀπαράλλακτον ἐποίησε δῆλον: φησὶ γὰρ αὐτοῦ γενομένου" ἐν Σούσοις ἐν τῇ μητροπόλει τῆς Περσίδος, ὡς ἐξ- ἤλθεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον μετὰ ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ, σεισμοῦ δὲ καὶ κλόνου τῆς γῆς ἐξαίφνης γενομένου κατα- λειφθείη μόνος φευγόντων τῶν φίλων καὶ πέσοι μὲν ἐπὶ στόμα ταραχθεὶς" ἐπὶ τὰς δύο χεῖρας, τινὸς δ᾽ ἁψαμένου αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταξὺ κελεύοντος ἀναστῆναι καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα συμβήσεσθαι τοῖς πολίταις ἰδεῖν ' 270 μετὰ πολλὰς γενεάς. ἀναστάντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ δειχθῆναι κριὸν ἐσήμαινε μέγαν, πολλὰ μὲν ἐκπεφυκότα κέρατα, τελευταῖον δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑψηλότερον ἔχοντα. ἔπειτ᾽ ἀναβλέψαι μὲν εἰς τὴν δύσιν, θεάσασθαι δὲ τ 1 ἀποφαίνεσθαι RO. τὸ LVE Chrysostomus et fort. Lat.: ἀληθὲς τὸ rell. * αὐτοῦ γενομένου ex Lat. Hudson : αὐτὸν γενόμενον codd, 4 δὲ καὶ L Chrysostomus : καὶ rell. 5 ταῤῥαχθεὶς S: καταρ(ρ)αχθεὶς P: καὶ στηριχθῆναι Cheyne: stomus. hit indistinguishableness ” (from truth). ~ ὃ Josephus omits Daniel’s vision of the beasts, ch. vii. He also ignores the chronological difficulty presented by the bibl. statement, viii..1, that the vision in the plain of Susa occurred in the 3rd year of Belshazzar’s reign. i 306 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 268-270 at which these would come to pass. And, whereas the other prophets foretold disasters and were for that reason in disfavour with kings and people, Daniel was a prophet of good tidings to them, so that through the auspiciousness of his predictions he attracted the goodwill of all, while from their reali- zation he gained credit among the multitude for his truthfulness and at the same time won their esteem for his divine power. And he left behind writings in which he has made plain to us the accuracy and faithfulness to truth? of his prophecies. For he panies says that when he was in Susa,’ the metropolis © of yision at Persia,? and went out into the plain with his com- Dan. viii. 2, panions, there was a sudden shaking and trembling of the earth, and he was left alone by his friends, who fled,? and in confusion he fell on his face and his two hands, whereupon someone touched him and at the same time bade him arise and see what was to happen to his countrymen in the future after many generations.‘ When he arose, there was shown to him, he reveals, a great ram with many _ horns’ growing out of him, the last of which was higher than the rest. Then he looked toward the © Cf. uxx ἐν Σούσοις τῇ πόλει “in the city of Susa”’; _ Heb. and Theod. “in the fortress (A.V. “ palace”) of Susa.” # Bibl. Elam. Heb. adds “ by the river Ulai” (cxx “in the gate of Elam,” Theod. “upon the Ubal”). Susa was, in fact, the capital of the Persian kings. * The pve bea and the presence of friends are un- ! scriptural details. ___ 7 Im Scripture Daniel’s confusion and the appearance of _ the interpreter are mentioned only later (vs. 17), after the _ description of the vision of the goat. ___ * Bibl. “ high horns.” The Heb. form is so vocalized ; that it may mean either “‘ two horns ” (dual) or “ horns ” : 307 271 272 273 JOSEPHUS / a 4 7 A (eae: , Η τράγον ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς δι᾿ ἀέρος φερόμενον συρράξαντα ΄- ~ ‘ a / / 1 ‘ - τῷ κριῷ καὶ τοῖς κέρασι πλήξαντα' δὶς καταβαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ πατῆσαι. εἶτα τὸν τράγον ἰδεῖν ἐκ τοῦ μετώπου μέγιστον ἀναφύσαντα" κέρας, οὗ κλασθέντος ἀναβλαστῆσαι" τέσσαρα Kal? ἕκα- στον τῶν ἀνέμων τετραμμένα. ἐξ αὐτῶν δ᾽ ἀνα- σχεῖν καὶ ἄλλο μικρότερον ἀνέγραψεν, ὃ αὐξῆσαν ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ ὁ ταῦτα ἐπιδεικνὺς θεὸς πολεμήσειν αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔθνος καὶ τὴν πόλιν αἱρήσειν κατὰ κράτος, καὶ συγχεεῖν τὰ περὶ τὸν ναόν, καὶ τὰς θυσίας κωλύσειν γενέσθαι ἐπὶ ἡμέρας χιλίας διακοσίας ἐνενήκοντα ἕξ. ταῦτα μὲν ἰδεῖν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῷ ἐν ΄ ε , ” a > oS wale 8 Σούσοις ὁ Δανίηλος ἔγραψε, κρῖναι δ᾽ αὐτῷ" τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ φαντάσματος ἐδήλου τὸν θεὸν οὕτως" τὸν μὲν κριὸν βασιλείας tas Μήδων καὶ Περσῶν" σημαίνειν ἔφασκε, τὰ δὲ κέρατα τοὺς βασιλεύειν μέλλοντας, τὸ δὲ ἔσχατον κέρας σημαίνειν τὸν ἔσχατον βασιλέα: τοῦτον γὰρ διοίσειν ἁπάντων πλούτῳ τε καὶ δόξη. τὸν δὲ τράγον δηλοῦν ὡς ἐκ ~ « / , Δ ~ / τῶν ᾿βλλήνων τις βασιλεύων ἔσται, ds TH Πέρσῃ συμβαλὼν δὶς κρατήσει τῇ μάχῃ καὶ παραλήψεται 214 τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἅπασαν. δηλοῦσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ / / ~ > ~ tA ~ , μεγάλου KEpaTOS τοῦ EV TW μετώπῳ του τράγου 1 ex Chrysos. Hudson: κυρήξαντα P*: unde κυρίξαντα con). Hudson: ῥήξαντα P? rell.: impetitum Lat. 2 I, (?) Chrysos.: ἀναφύντα rell.: produxisse Lat. 3 ἄλλα ἀναβλαστῆσαι Chrysos. 4 αὐτὸν RO. 5 Περσῶν καὶ Μήδων tr. LVE Lat. Chrysos. @ Emended text; mss. “ broke ”’ or “* butted.” Ὁ According to Scripture the goat had a great horn before he attacked the ram. ¢ So Heb. ; txx and Theod. “ strong.” 4 Of. Dan. xii. 11, “‘ And from the time that the daily 308 : . : | ] Ἶ Ἰ } JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 270-274 west and beheld a goat borne through the air from that quarter, which rushed upon the ram, struck ¢ him twice with his horns, and, hurling him to the ground, trampled on him. Thereupon he saw a very great horn sprouting up from the goat’s forehead? and, when this was broken off, four horns came up, facin each of the four winds. From these, he writes, there arose another smaller® horn which God, who revealed these things to him, told him would grow and make war on his nation, take their city by force, disrupt the temple service and prevent the sacrifices from being offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days.¢ © This, Daniel tnterpreta- writes, is what he saw in the plain of Susa, and he t0n of the relates that God interpreted to him the form of the Dan. viii. 16 vision as follows. The ram, he declares, signified : the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those who were to reign, the last horn signify- ing the last king, for this king would surpass all the others in wealth and glory. The goat, he said, in- dicated that there would be a certain king of the Greeks who would encounter the Persian king twice in battle and defeat him and take over all his empire.’ The great horn in the forehead of the goat indicated sacrifice shall be taken away . . . a thousand two hundred and ninety days.” In the present passage, viii. 14, Scripture has “two thousand and three hundred evening-mornings (txx, Theod., A.V.‘ days’’),” apparently meaning 2300 half- days or 1150 days, which approximately equals the 3} years (lit. “* timé, times and half a time ”’) mentioned in vii. 25 as well as the number given in xii. 11. Cf. J. A. Montgomery, Commentary, etc., p. 343. “ The last part of this sentence (“the last horn,” etc.) is an addition to Scripture. 7 The last part of this sentence also (** who would en- counter,” etc.) is an addition to Scripture. . VOL. VI L 309 JOSEPHUS (Wt A ~ λ ’ ‘ A a» ἵ , > τὸν πρῶτον βασιλέα καὶ τὴν τῶν τεσσάρων ava- / > / re \ ἢ βλάστησιν ἐκπεσόντος ἐκείνου, καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὰ τέσσαρα κλίματα τῆς γῆς αὐτῶν ἀποστροφὴν ἑκάστου τοὺς διαδόχους μετὰ τὸν θάνατον τοῦ , , ΕῚ , Pt ley | TLD Ὁ im be! πρώτου βασιλέως. ἐμφανίζεσθαι καὶ διαμερισμὸν εἰς αὐτοὺς τῆς βασιλείας, οὔτε. δὲ παῖδας αὐτοῦ τούτους ὄντας οὔτε συγγενεῖς, πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν 275 ἄρξειν τῆς οἰκουμένης. γενήσεσθαι, 8° ἐκ. τούτων pete τινὰ βασιλέα τὸν ἐκπολεμήσοντα τό τε. ἔθνος Kal ~ > τοὺς νόμους αὐτῶν Kal τὴν κατὰ, τούτους ἀφαιρη- σόμενον πολιτείαν καὶ συλήσοντα τὸν ναὸν καὶ 276 τὰς θυσίας ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τρία κωλύσοντα ἐπιτελεσθῆναι. " \ ~ ς “- / θ - a ἔθν € ‘ καὶ δὴ ταῦτα ἡμῶν συνέβη παθεῖν τῷ ἔθνει ὑπὸ ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς, καθὼς εἶδεν ὁ Δανίηλος ‘ a ΝΜ ΝΜ ΦΥ͂ ΐ Lo καὶ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν ἀνέγραψε τὰ γενησό- μενα. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον Δανίηλος Kal περὶ τῆς « ’ὔ ε / > ἡ \«@ ¢ 9 - Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ἀνέγραψε καὶ ὅτι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν αἱρεθήσεται τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ 6 ναὸς" ἐρημω- 277 θήσεται ταῦτα πάντα ἐκεῖνος θεοῦ δείξαντος αὐτῷ συγγράψας κατέλειψεν: ὥστε τοὺς ἀναγινώ- σκοντας καὶ τὰ συμβαίνοντα σκοποῦντας θαυμάζειν “- “- - 4 x ἐπὶ τῇ παρὰ θεοῦ" τιμῇ τὸν AavinAoy καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ἐπικουρείους ἐκ τούτων εὑρίσκειν πεπλανημένους, a / , > 7 λλ “- , τ \ θ 5 278 ol Τὴν TE προνοιᾶν ἐκβά ουσι TOU βίου και ὕεον ~ ~ Α : Q> οὐκ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐπιτροπεύειν τῶν. πραγμάτων, οὐδ᾽ 1 Niese: γενέσθαι codd. E.: oriri Lat.: ἔσεσθαι Chrysos. 2 αἱρεθήσεται... ναὸς add. Chrysos, 8 τὸν αὐτὸν... ἐρημωθήσεται om. Lat., secl. Niese. 4. τοῦ θεοῦ SLE. 5 τὸν θεὸν LVE. | « Here again Josephus amplifies Seripture. > Cf. § 271 note d. ~~~» ὁ“ Jerusalem... laid waste” is conjecturally added 310 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 274-278 the first king, and the growing out of the four horns after the first horn fell out, and their facing each of the four quarters of the earth denoted the successors of the first king after his death, and the division of the kingdom among them and that these, who were neither his sons nor his relatives, would rule the world for many years.*. And there would arise 7 from their number a certain king who would make war on the Jewish nation and their laws, deprive them of the form of government based on these laws, spoil the temple and prevent the sacrifices from being offered for three years.2. And these misfor- The tulal- tunes our nation did in fact come to experience under joni οὗ Antiochus Epiphanes, just as Daniel many years prophecy | before saw and wrote that they would happen. — In Droves.0o7's the same manner Daniel also wrote about the empire " of the Romans and that Jerusalem would be taken by them and the temple laid waste.° All these _ things, as God revealed them to him, he left behind in his writings, so that those who read them and observe how they have come to pass must wonder at Daniel’s having been so honoured by God, and learn from these facts how mistaken are the Epi- < cureans, who exclude Providence from human life and refuse to believe that God governs its affairs or from the excerpt in Chrysostomus. Here as in an earlier reference (§ 78) to the prophecy of the destruction of Jeru- salem, R. Eisler, The Messiah Jesus, p. 609, and some other scholars suspect an interpolation in Josephus’s text. Butas Josephus is here summarizing the contents of Dan. xi.-xii., which his rabbinic contemporaries interpreted as a prophecy of Roman conquest, there is no reason why he should not have mentioned Rome, or to suppose that a mere reference to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans would have been avoided as likely to offend Roman readers. 311 JOSEPHUS © 1 Wat ὑπὸ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ ἀφθάρτου πρὸς διαμονὴν τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας κυβερνᾶσθαι τὰ σύμπαντα, ἄμοιρον. δὲ ἡνιόχου καὶ ἀφρόντιστον' τὸν κόσμον αὐτομάτως 279 φέρεσθαι λέγουσιν. ὃς εἰ τοῦτον ἀπροστάτητος ἣν τὸν τρόπον, καθάπερ καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐρήμους κυβερ- νητῶν καταδυομένας ὁρῶμεν ὑπὸ ) πνευμάτων ἢ καὶ τὰ ἅρματα περιτρεπόμενα. μὴ ἔχοντα τοὺς ἥνιο- χοῦντας, συντριβεὶς ἃ ἂν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπρονοήτου φορᾶς" 280 ἀπωλώλει καὶ διεφθείρετο. τοῖς οὖν προειρημένοις ὑπὸ Δανιήλου δοκοῦσί μοι σφόδρα τῆς ἀληθοῦς δόξης διαμαρτάνειν οἱ τῷ θεῷ ae εἶναι περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀποφαινόμενοι πρόνοιαν: οὐ γὰρ ἂν κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου προφητείαν, εἰ συνέβαινεν αὐτοματισμῷ τινι τὸν κόσμον διάγειν, πάντα éw- 281 ρῶμεν ἀποβαίνοντα. ἐγὼ μὲν" περὶ τούτων ὡς εὗρον καὶ ἀνέγνων οὕτως ἔγραψα εἰ δέ τις ἄλλως δοξάζειν βουλήσεται περὶ αὐτῶν, ἀνέγκλητον. ἐχέτω τὴν ἑτερογνωμοσύνην. ἶ 1.0 Lat.: φροντιστοῦ rell. ΓΝ * Νίεβε: ἀπὸ Codd. τῆν, ἢ ΉΨΙ ἢ συμφορᾶς O.. [ ᾿ 4 μὲν οὖν SPV. . Ι 8 ΜΠ ΕΝ 4 ** blessed and immortal being ” is a phrase attributed to Epicurus, cf, Usener, Epicurea, p. 71. ‘ aaa aac 312 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X. 278-281 that the universe is directed by a blessed and im- mortal Being* to the end that the whole of it may endure, but say that the worid runs by its own movement without knowing a guide or another’s care.” If it were leaderless in this fashion, it would be shattered through taking a blind course © and so end in destruction, just as we see ships go down when they lose their helmsmen or chariots overturn when they have no drivers. It therefore seems to me, in view of the things foretold by Daniel, that they are very far from holding a true opinion who declare that takes no thought for human affairs. For if it were the case that the world goes on by — automatism, we should not have seen all these happen in accordance with his prophecy.¢ : Now I have written about these matters as I have found them in my reading; if, however, anyone wishes to judge otherwise of them, I shall not object to his holdi a different opinion. ior = uneared for.” The variant means practically the same as the above. -~¢ paren * through unforeseen misfortune.” Ἶ ~ the anti-Epicurean passege, in in Ap. ii. 180 ff., and “ ; Fe hus’s argument here cf, t atin Platarch. De Pythiae ; Orac, 8 (Usener, p. 355). Josephus’s older contemporary Philo was no less antagonistic to the Epicureans. In rabbinie literature the word Apikoros, derived from “ Epicurus,” is in ἊΣ general sense of “unbeliever.” [7 313 ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ JA (i. 1) Τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ τῆς Κύρου βασιλείας ὃ ἔτει (τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἀφ᾽ ἧς, ἡμέρας μετ μετ- αναστῆναι τὸν λαὸν ἡμῶν ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας εἰς υ-, λῶνα συνέπεσεν) ἠλέησεν ὁ θεὸς τὴν αἰχμαλωσίαν καὶ τὴν συμφορὰν ἐκείνων τῶν ταλαιπώρων, καὶ" : καθὼς “προεῖπεν αὐτοῖς διὰ Ἱερεμίου τοῦ προ 2 πρὶν ἢ κατασκαφῆναι τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ith τὸ δουλεῦσαι Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ καὶ τοῖς — ἐκγόνοις αὐτοῦ καὶ ταύτην ὑπομεῖναι τὴν δουλείαν. ΠΗ ἔτη ἑβδομήκοντα πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν πάτριον ἀπο- καταστήσει γῆν καὶ τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομήσουσι. καὶ τῆς ἀρχαίας ἀπολαύσουσιν εὐδαιμονίας, ταῦτ᾽" αὐ- 3 τοῖς παρέσχεν. παρορμήσας γὰρ τὴν Κύρου ψυχὴν ἐποίησεν αὐτὸν γράψαι κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ὅ ὅτι Κῦρος ὁ βασιλεὺς λέγει: “ἐπεί μὲ ὁ θεὸς ὁ μέ- γιστος τῆς οἰκουμένης, ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα, πείθομαι τοῦτον εἶναι ὃν τὸ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἔθνος προσ- 4 κυνεῖ. καὶ γὰρ τοὐμὸν προεῖπεν ὄνομα διὰ τῶν προφητῶν, καὶ ὅτι τὸν ναὸν αὐτοῦ οἰκοδομήσω ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ χώρᾳ. 5 (2) Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔγνω Κῦρος ἀναγινώσκων τὸ βι- βλίον ὃ ὃ τῆς αὐτοῦ προφητείας ὁ ὁ Ἡσαΐας κατέλιπε πρὸ ἐτῶν διακοσίων καὶ δέκα: οὗτος γὰρ ἐν ἀπορ- 514 pithy BOOK XI (i. 1) In the first year of Cyrus’s reign—this was the Cyrus is seventieth year from the time when our people were oon Sag fated to migrate from their own land to Babylon— Foteinian God took pity on the captive state and misfortune of captivity. those unhappy men and, as He had foretold to them [/325, through the prophet Jeremiah before the city was demolished, that, after they should have served Nebuchadnezzar and his descendants and endured this servitude for seventy years, He would again restore them to the land of their fathers and they should build the temple and enjoy their ancient pros- perity,? so did He grant it them. For he stirred up _ the spirit of Cyrus and caused him to write through- out all Asia,? “Thus says King Cyrus. Since the _ Most High God has appointed me king of the habit- able world, I am persuaded that He is the god whom the Israelite nation worships, for He foretold my _ name through the prophets © and that I should build _ His temple in Jerusalem in the land of Judaea.”’ (2) These things Cyrus knew from reading the Cyrus reads _ book of-prophecy which Isaiah had left behind two Diocnesy. _ hundred and ten years earlier. For this prophet had ἴ5. xliv. 2s. @ Jer. xxv. 11 ff., xxix. 10 ff. δ᾽ Bibl. “* throughout all his kingdom.” * There is no reference to the prophets in 1 Esdras = Ezra. 1 καὶ om. Naber cum L. 2 a τότ᾽ Naber. 815 ee στ΄. στ τὴν JOSEPHUS ρήτῳ εἶπε ταῦτα λέγειν τὸν θεόν, ὅτι “᾿ βούλομαι Κῦρον ἐγὼ" πολλῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀποδείξας" βασιλέα πέμψαι μου τὸν λαὸν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν γῆν καὶ 6 οἰκοδομῆσαί μου τὸν ναόν. " ταῦτα Ἡσαΐας προ- εφήτευσεν ἔμπροσθεν ἢ κατασκαφῆναι. τὸν ναὸν ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ τεσσαράκοντα. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀνα- γνόντα τὸν Κῦρον καὶ θαυμάσαντα τὸ θεῖον ὃ ὁρμή τις ἔλαβεν καὶ φιλοτιμία ποιῆσαι τὰ γεγραμμένα, καὶ καλέσας τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν ἐν ‘Bogen Bu Adve ᾿Ιουδαίων συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔφη βαδίζειν. εἰς τὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα καὶ ἀναστῆσαί τε τὴν πόλιν ἡ lepo- 7 σόλυμα καὶ τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ναόν: ἔσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦτον σύμμαχον αὐτόν τε γράψειν τοῖς γειτο- νεύουσιν ἐκείνῃ τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν ἰδίων ἡγεμόνων καὶ σατραπῶν, ἵνα συμβάλωνται χρυσὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄργυρον εἰς τὴν οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ πρὸς τού- tots θρέμματα πρὸς τὰς θυσίας. wy 5 8 (3) Ταῦτα Κύρου ᾿καταγγεΐλαντος τοῖς “Tet λίταις, ἐξώρμησαν οἱ τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἄρχοντες τῆς ᾿Ιούδα καὶ Βενιαμίτιδος οἵ τε Λευῖται. καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα" πολλοὶ γὰρ κατέμειναν. ἐν τῇ Βαβυλῶνι, τὰ κτήματα καταλιπεῖν οὐ θέλοντες. 9 καὶ παραγενομένοις αὐτοῖς οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως. φίλοι πάντες ἐβοήθουν καὶ συνεισέφερον εἰς τὴν τοῦ ναοῦ 1 ἐγὼ ὃν vel ὃν ἐγὼ FVWE Lat. ziti 2 ἀπέδειξα FV W Lat.: ἀποδείξω ἘΣ « This figure is obtained by subtracting the 7 0-year period of the exile from the 210-year interval (ef, above § 5), between — Isaiah’s prophecy and the first year of Cyrus. It is not wholly consistent, however, with the chronology given earlier by Josephus. Isaiah's prophecy concerning the exile was made 15 years before the end of Hezekiah’s reign, according to Ant. x. 27 ff. The interval between this prophecy and the 316 See A se ates 2. τ)" JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 5-9 said that God told him in secret, “ It is my will that Cyrus, whom I shall have appointed king of many great nations, shall send my people to their own land and build my temple.” Isaiah prophesied these things one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished.* And so, when Cyrus read them, he 1 Esdras fi. wondered at the divine power and was seized by a °* ®*+ 8 strong desire and ambition to do what had been written ; and, summoning the most distinguished of the Jews in Babylon, he told them that he gave them _ leave to journey to their native land and to rebuild both the city of Jerusalem and the temple of God, for God, he said, would be their ally and he himself _ would write to his own governors and satraps’ who were in the neighbourhood of their country to _ give them contributions of gold and silver for the - _ building of the temple and, in addition, animals for the sacrifices. . _ (8) When Cyrus had made this announcement to The chief _ the Israelites, the leaders of the two tribes of Judah {2337 _ and Benjamin and the Levites and priests set out for salem. _ Jerusalem, but many remained in Babylon, being un- (3.5. _ willing to leave their possessions. On the Israelites’ £2" i. 5 _ arrival all the king’s friends helped them and brought _ their share for the construction of the temple,° some __ beginning of the exile or the fall of Jerusalem in the 11th year _ of Zedekiah’s reign was 125 years, not 140 years, according _ to the regnal figures given by Josephus (ο Ant. x. 143 _ note δ). -Actually the in Is. xliv. about the restora- _ tion under Cyrus was made, not by the prophet Isaiah who was a contemporary of Hezekiah in the late Sth century, but | _ by a later prophet (whom modern scholars call Deutero- ~ _ Isaiah for convenience) living in the 6th (or 5th) century. ; ᾿ς ὃ Unscriptural detail. ad * According to Scripture it was the Jews’ neighbours in Babylon, not in Judaea, who helped them in this way. 317 as Τ΄- Ne Pei ee ΝΣ JOSEPHUS); τ κατασκευὴν ot μὲν χρυσὸν of δ᾽ ἄργυρον οἱ δὲ βοσκημάτων πλῆθος σὺν ἵπποις. καὶ τάς τε εὐχὰς. ἀπεδίδοσαν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰς νομιζομένας κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν θυσίας ἐπετέλουν, ὥσπερ ἀνακτιζομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πόλεως" καὶ ἀναβιούσης τῆς ἀρχαίας 10 περὲ τὴν θρησκείαν συνηθείας. ἀπέπεμψε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ῦρος καὶ τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ ἃ συλήσας τὸν ναὸν e A / > A ἴ fs ya ὁ βασιλεὺς Ναβουχοδονόσορος εἰς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα 11 ἐκόμισεν. παρέδωκεν δὲ ταῦτα φέρειν Μιθριδάτῃ τῷ γαζοφύλακι αὐτοῦ, προστάξας δοῦναι αὐτὰ ᾿Αβασσάρῳ, ὅπως φυλάττῃ μέχρι τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ, τελεσθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ παραδῷ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν καὶ ἄρχουσι τοῦ πλήθους, εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἀπο- 12 δοθησόμενα. πέμπει δὲ καὶ ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Συρίᾳ σατράπας Κῦρος τάδε λέγουσαν" ““βασι- λεὺς Κῦρος Σισίνῃ" καὶ Σαραβασάνῃ χαίρειν. ᾿Ιουδαίων τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ χώρᾳ κατοικούντων ἐπ- , “ ῃ > \ 297 rey. = ἔτρεψα τοῖς βουλομένοις εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἀπελθοῦσι πατρίδα" τήν τε πόλιν ἀνακτίζειν καὶ τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸν ἐν ἱἱεροσολύμοις τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ Pee rs ee | 1 τῆς πόλεως] πάλιν LAW: om. Lat. 2 ἀποδοθησομένοις ΕἾ: ἀποθησομένοις P, τ , 3 Σισίννῃ LAW. . ᾿ $i Sy ἐἷ ; @'ciS ss. . FaTPOG-OM. PRIGVAV. (oo eee * Variants (§§ 93, 100) Sanabasaros, Sanabasarés, etc. ; 1 Esdras cod. A Σαναβάσσαρος, cod. B Σαναμάσσαρος, Luc. NacaBaddcoapos; Ezra Sheshbazzar (S#sbagsar), xx cod. _ A acaBaocapos, cod. B Σαβανασάρ, Luc. Σασαβασσάρης. It is not clear from the various references to Sheshbazzar in Ezra whether he was the Persian governor of Judaea (he is called “ prince of Judah” in Ezra i. 8) or the Jewish leader of the returning exiles. In the latter case he may be identified with Zerubbabel, as is implicitly done by Josephus in § 13 (and also by some modern scholars), 318 ea τς ὦ κα JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 9-12 giving gold, others silver, and still others a great many cattle and horses. And they made the offer- ings vowed to God and performed the customary sacrifices in accordance with ancient custom, as if their city were being rebuilt and the ancient form of worship revived. Cyrus then sent them the vessels of God which King Nebuchadnezzar had taken as spoil from the temple and carried off to Babylon ; these he gave to his treasurer Mithridates to carry, instructing him to give them to Abassaros * to keep until the temple should be built, and upon its being completed to turn them over to the priests and leaders of the people to be deposited in the temple. Cyrus also sent a letter Cyrus's to the satraps in Syria, which read as follows ὃ : “ King {f.'" ἕο the sat Cyrus to Sisinés ° and Sarabasanés,? greeting. To in Syria, ἢ those. among the Jews dwelling in my country, who i. 97: so wished, IL haye given permission to return to their στα vi. δ, natiye land and® to rebuild the city and build the ἢ although they are clearly distinguished in 1 Esdras vi. 17 (18). ") Rabbinic tradition, on the other hand, identifies Zerubbabel ἢ ἰ with Nehemiah, ¢f. Ginzberg iv. 352. i ® Josephus here alters thescriptural account and anticipates _ the reference to Cyrus’s letter. In 1 Esdras vi.=Ezra vi. Scripture says that Darius at the request of the Jews had a search made in the archives and thereupon found Cyrus’s ᾿ς letter authorizing the rebuilding of the temple, with specifica- ᾿ς tion of its height, materials, etc. ; Scripture goes on to say that Darius then ordered his western satraps Tatnai and Shethar-boznai (cf. following notes) to carry out the com- mands of Cyrus. Thus Josephus supplies, in its proper place, the decree of Cyrus which is mentioned retrospectively in y ᾿ς Seripture. ὃ 41 Esdras Σισίννῃ : Ezra Tatnai (Tatt‘nay), τχχ cod. A Θαθθαναί, cod. B Τανθαναί. i 4 1 Esdras Σαθραβουζάνῃ: Ezra Shethar-boznai, txx Σαθαρ- | βουζάν (avai). | * The variant omits “ to return to their native land and.” 319 JOSEPHUS Pyar 13 αὐτοῦ τόπου ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ πρότερον." κατέπεμψα δέ μου καὶ τὸν “γαζοφύλακα Μιθριδάτην καὶ Ζορο- βάβηλον τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, ἵνα θεμελίους βάλ ὠνται τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ οἰκοδομήσωσιν αὐτὸν ὕψος μὲν ἑξήκοντα πηχῶν τῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ εὖρος, λίθου μὲν ξεστοῦ τρεῖς ποιησάμενοι δόμους καὶ ἕνα. ξύλινον ἐ ἐγχώριον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ θυσιαστήριον ἐ ἐ 14 οὗ θύσουσι' τῷ θεῷ. τὴν δὲ εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην. ἐκ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ γενέσθαι βούλομαι. Kal τὰ σκεύη δέ, ἃ ἐσύλησεν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ Ναβουχοδονόσορος ὁ βασιλεύς, “ἔπεμψα παραδοὺς Μιθριδάτῃ τῷ atl φύλακι καὶ Ζοροβαβήλῳ τῷ ἄρχοντι τῶν Ἴο ἵνα διακομίσωσιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τ ἰαωΣ δας 15 στήσωσιν εἰς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ. ὁ δ᾽ ἀριθμὸς αὐτῶν ἐστιν τοσοῦτος: ψυκτῆρες χρύσεοι πεντή- κοντα, ἀργύρεοι τετρακόσιοι," θηρίκλεια χρύσεα πεντήκοντα," ἀργύρεα τετρακόσια," ᾿ κάδοι χρύσεοι πεντήκοντα, ἀργύρεοι πεντακόσιοι, σπονδεῖα χρύσεα τεσσαράκοντα," ἀργύρεα τριακόσια, φιάλαι χρυσαῖ τριάκοντα, ἀργύρεαι δισχίλιαι τετρακόσιαι, σκι 16 τε ἄλλα μεγάλα χίλια. συγχωρῶ δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐκ προγόνων εἰθισμένην τιμὴν κτηνῶν καὶ οἴνου καὶ ἐλαίου δραχμὰς εἴκοσιν μυριάδας καὶ πεντακισς- χιλίας πεντακοσίας καὶ εἰς σεμίδαλιν. TURN ἀρ- 1 Ψ; θύωσι vel θύσωσι rell. 2 πεντακόσιοι W Lat. (P? vid.). 3 τριάκοντα A: τεσσαράκοντα WE. 4 πεντακόσια Hudson, Naber. 5 τριάκοντα AME Lat. @ Of. txx (1 Esdras and Ezra) Ζοροβαβέλ: bibl. Zerub- babel. On the confusion of Zerubbabel with Sheshbazzar, cf. § 11 note a, 320 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 13-16 temple of God in Jerusalem on the same spot on which _ itformerly stood. And I have sent there my treasurer __ Mithridates and Zorobabélos,* the leader of the Jews, | tola the foundations of the temple and build it to a it of sixty cubits and the same breadth and to 1 Esdras make the walls of three courses of polished stone and fia vi. 5. one of the wood of that country, and similarly an altar whereon they may sacrifice to God.’ The expense for these things I wish to come out of my treas I have also sent the vessels which King Nebuchad- nezzar took as plunder from the temple, giving them over to my treasurer Mithridates and to Zorobabélos, the leader of the Jews, to carry to Jerusalem and place them once more in the temple of God. Now The temple the number of these vessels is as follows : fifty wine- ; Ye coolers of gold and four hundred of silver, fifty Theri- 18 @x* 15); cleian cups of gold and four hundred of silver, fifty jars of and five hundred of silver, forty libation- bowl of gold and three hundred of silver, thirty cups Id and two thousand four hundred of silver, and usand other large vessels.¢ I also grant them 1 Esdras v the honorary gift which their forefathers used to 3," > receive, for cattle, wine and oil two hundred and five thousand five hundred drachmas and twenty thousand > The altar is not mentioned in Scripture. * Josephus's list of yessels is longer than those in 1 Esdras and Ezra, and agrees with them only in two of the last three _ items. The scriptural lists are as follows : 1 Espras Ezra 1000 gold libation- bowls (A.V. 30 gold chargers cups") ᾿ 1000 silver libation-bowls 1000 silver ,, 29 silver censers 29 knives 30 gold cups (A.V. = vials’) 30 gold basins silver ,, 410 silver ,, 1000 other vessels 1000 other vessels JOSEPHUS ly τάβας δισμυρίας πεντακοσίας. κελεύω δὲ τὴν τούτων χορηγίαν ἐκ τῶν Σαμαρείας γίνεσθαι 17 φόρων. ἐποίσουσι δὲ τὰ ἱερεῖα ταῦτα κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐν ἹἹεροσολύμοις. καὶ προσφέροντες εὔξονται τῷ θεῷ περὶ ou nplas τε τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ, ὅπως. ΠΕερ- σῶν βασιλεία᾽ διαμείνῃ. τοὺς δὲ παρακούσαντας τούτων καὶ ἀκυρώσαντας ἀνασταυρωθῆναι βούλ Lope 18 Kal Tas οὐσίας αὐτῶν εἶναι βασιλικάς.᾽ καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπιστολὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἐδήλου: τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας συνελθόντων εἰς ἱἱεροσόλυμα μυριάδες ἦσαν τέσ- σαρες καὶ δισχίλιοι τετρακόσιοι' ἑξήκοντα δύο." 19 (ii 1) Βαλλομένων δὲ τοὺς θεμελίους τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ περὶ τὴν οἰκοδομίαν αὐτοῦ λίαν ἐσπουδακότων, τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη καὶ μάλιστα τὸ Χουθαίων, οὗς ἐκ τῆς Περσίδος καὶ Μηδικῆς ἀγαγὼν Σαλμανάσσης" ὁ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλεὺς κατῴκισεν ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ, ὅτε τὸν τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν λαὸν᾽ ἀνάστατον ἐποίησεν, παρεκάλουν τοὺς σατράπας καὶ τοὺς ἐπιμελουμένους ἐμποδίζειν τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους “πρός τε τὴν τῆς πόλεως 20 ἀνάστασιν καὶ τὴν τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευήν. οἱ δὲ καὶ χρήμασι διαφθαρέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπημπόλησαν τοῖς Χουθαίοις τὸ περὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἀμελὲς καὶ pda- θυμον τῆς ereneiom ga Κύρῳ yap περί τε ἄλλους 1 τριακόσιοι Clericus, Naber. 2 δύο om. A Lat. 3 ex libr. non. Niese: Σαλ(α)μανασ(σ)άρης codd. * In 1 Esdras. and Ezra salt is included. The exact sum of money for cattle and the measure of grain are _ details invented by Josep hus. δ 1 Esdras “" sit of the tribute of Coele- Syria. (here = Pales- yw tine and Syria; cf. § 25 note) and Phoenicia” ; Ezra “ out of the king’s revenues from beyond the river’ ” (ine. Palestine 322 os JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 16-20 five hundred ariabae of wheat for fine flour. I order these to be furnished out of the tribute from Samaria.’ And the priests in Jerusalem shall offer these sacrifices in accordance with the laws of Moses and, when they bring them, shall pray to God for the well-being of the ‘king and his family and that the kingdom of Persia may long endure. And it is my will that those _ who disobey these commands or set them aside shall be crucified and that their possessions shall become _ . the property of the king.”” These were the contents _ of the letter. Now the number of those who came to 1 Esdras v. © Jerusalem from the land of their captivity was forty- δε; rigger __. two thousand four hundred and sixty-two.° 66. (ii. 1) While they were laying the foundations of The Samari- the temple and very busily engaged in building it, {ho Pecans the surrounding nations, especially the Chuthaeans, szainst the whom the Assyrian king Salmanassés 4 had brought 1 Esiras v. from Persia and Media and settled in Samaria when τῷ (τ 68); he deported the Israelite people, urged the satraps = and those in charge to hinder the Jews in the rebuild- ing of the city and the construction of the temple. And so, being corrupted by their bribes, they sold their services to the Chuthaeans by showing neglect and indifference toward the Jews in their building. For Cyrus, because of his preoccupation with other and Syria). Josephus’s substitution of “‘ Samaria” seems a deliberate dig at the Samaritans. © Bibl. 42,360 (cf.§69 notec). Accordingto Scripture this . was the number of exiles (exclusive of children, servants, ete.) returning with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, presumably in the ᾿ reign of Cyrus (cf. 1 Esdras v. 70 (txx 67) ff.=Ezraiv.3 ff); ὦ however in §§ 64 ff. Josephus follows 1 Esdras in connecting the return under Zerubbabel and Jeshua with Darius. 4 Emended form (ef. Ant. ix. 259 ff.): mss. Sal(a)ma- ~ nas(s)arés ; Ezra Esar-haddon; 1 Esdras cod. A ᾿Ασβασαρέθ, cod. B ᾿Ασβακαφάθ, Luc. ᾿Αχορδάν. 323 JOSEPHUS( λ ἩΡΤ ΣΙ, ἀσχοληθέντι πολέμους ἄγνοια τούτων ἦν καὶ στρα- τευσαμένῳ γε ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας εὐθὺς" συνέβη te- 21 λευτῆσαι τὸν βίον. Καμβύσου δὲ τοῦ Κύρου παιδὸς τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος of ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ καὶ ᾿Αμμανίτιδι καὶ Μωαβίτιδι καὶ Dapa- pela γράφουσιν ἐπιστολὴν Καμβύσῃ δηλοῦσαν τάδε: 22 “δέσποτα, οἱ παῖδές" σου 'Ῥάθυμος ὁ πάντα τὰ πραττόμενα γράφων καὶ Σεμέλιος ὁ γραμματεὺς καὶ οἱ τῆς βουλῆς τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ κριταί. γινώσκειν σε δεῖ, βασιλεῦ, ὅτι ᾿Ιουδαῖοι οἱ εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ἀναχθέντες ἐληλύθασιν εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν καὶ τήν τε πόλιν τὴν ἀποστάτιν καὶ πονηρὰν οἰκο- δομοῦσι καὶ τὰς ἀγορὰς αὐτῆς, καὶ ἐπισκευάζουσι 93 τὰ τείχη καὶ ναὸν ἀνεγείρουσιν. ἴσθι μέντοι γε τούτων γενομένων οὔτε φόρους αὐτοὺς τελεῖν ὑπο- ῦ ὕτε δὲ ὑ jew ἐθελήσοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ μενοῦντας οὔτε δὲ ὑπακούειν ἐθελήσοντας, βασιλεῦσιν ἀντιστήσονται καὶ ἄρχειν μᾶλλον ἢ 24 ὑπακούειν ἐθελήσουσιν. ἐνεργουμένων οὖν τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν καὶ σπουδαζομένων καλῶς ἔχειν ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν γράψαι σοι, βασιλεῦ, καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν, ὅπως ἐπισκέψῃ τὰ τῶν πατέρων σου βιβλία: εὑ- ρήσεις γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀποστάτας καὶ τῶν βασιλέων 1: ἐκεῖ PWE, 5 δοῦλοι LA, | « Cf. Herodotus i. 214. » Here Josephus quietly corrects the bibl. cheesy of the Persian kings. According to Scripture, the letter which follows (the first letter quoted in the book of Ezra) was written to Artaxerxes. The bibl. account, moreover, makes it appear that Xerxes (Heb. ’Ahaswérés) and Artaxerxes preceded Darius, and passes over Cambyses entirely. Josephus’s corrections here and elsewhere result in presenting the proper historical sequence, Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius (cf. § 30), Xerxes (cf. § 120) and Artaxerxes (ef. § 184). ᾿ 824 a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 20-24 wars, was in ignorance of these matters and, as it happened, died soon after making war on the Mas- sagetae.* But, when Cyrus’s son Cambyses took over the royal power,’ the people in Syria, Phoenicia, Their letter Amman, Moab and Samaria wrote a letter which (toys read as follows : “ Τὸ our sovereign ° from his servants taxerxes). Rathymos,? the recorder of all things that happen,* a Semelios, the seribe, and the judges of the council © ἵν. 7. in Syria and Phoenicia.’ You should know, Ὁ King, that the Jews who were carried off to Babylon have come to our land and are building their rebellious and mischievous city and its market-places, and are repairing the walls and erecting a temple. Know, therefore, that, if these things are done, they will neither consent to pay tribute nor be willing to obey, but will oppose the kings and seek rather to rule than to obey. Since, then, work is being done on the temple and zealously carried forward, we have thought it proper to write you, O King, and not to abe these things, in order that you may examine the records of your fathers, for you will find in them that the Jews have been rebels and enemies of the © Bibl. Artaxerxes. By omitting the name Josephus ~ avoids the awkwardness of openly correcting Scripture. ‘ # So 1 Esdras (cod. B and Luc. ; cod. A “Paodpyos) ; Ezra Rehum (R*him). ; Gt Bedvas oa A Σεμέλλιος, cod. B Σαμέλλιος ; E of! ras i € . ia E : Ezra Shimshai, txx cod. A My δεν cod. B Σαμασά. * So Luc. 1 Esdras (cod. A has κραταιοί “ rulers” for κριταί “ judges,” while cod. B omits the word); in Ezra we have what seems to be a mixed list of titles and ethnic names, the Aram. being corrupt. A.V. renders “ the Dinaites, the Apharsathchites, the Tarpelites, the Apharsites, the Arche- vites, the Babylonians, the Susanchites, the Dehavites and the 325 JOSEPHUS' ἡ Hela! ἐχθροὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν, ἣ διὰ 25 τοῦτο καὶ νῦν ἠρημώθη. ἔδοξε δ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ τοῦτό σοι δηλῶσαι ἀγνοούμενον ἴσως, ὅτι τῆς πόλεως οὕτως συνοικισθείσης καὶ τὸν κύκλον τῶν τειχῶν ἀπολαβούσης ἀποκλείεταί σοι ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ Sri Naf Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην. — a at ceva’ 26 (2) ’Avayvods δὲ ὁ Καμβύσης τὴν ἐπιστολὴν Kat φύσει πονηρὸς ὧν κινεῖται πρὸς τὰ δεδηλωμένα καὶ γράφει τάδε λέγων" “ βασιλεὺς Καμβύσης “Pabiuw τῷ γράφοντι τὰ προσπίπτοντα καὶ Βεελζέμῳ καὶ Σεμελίῳ γραμματεῖ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς τοῖς συν- τασσομένοις καὶ οἰκοῦσιν ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ καὶ Φοι- 27 νίκῃ τάδε λέγει. ἀναγνοὺς τὰ πεμφθέντα παρ᾽ ὑμῶν γράμματα ἐκέλευσα ἐπισκέψασθαι τὰ τῶν προ- γόνων μου βιβλία, καὶ εὑρέθη ἡ πόλις ἐχθρὰ βασι- λεῦσιν ἀεὶ γεγενημένη, καὶ στάσεις καὶ πολέμους οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες πραγματευσάμενοι, καὶ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν ἔγνωμεν δυνατοὺς καὶ βιαίους φορολογήσαντας 28 κοίλην Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην. ἐγὼ τοίνυν προσ- ἔταξα μὴ συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἀνοικοδομεῖν τὴν πόλιν, μὴ ἐπὶ πλέον αὐξηθῇ τὰ τῆς κακίας αὐτῶν, ἧ χρώμενοι πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς διατετελέ- * So 1 Esdras; Ezra has “ beyond the river,” meaning ——>> the land west of the Euphrates. ‘‘ Coele-Syria ”’ includes 3 ᾿ different geographical concepts in Hellenistic Greek : (1) the valley between Mt. Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, (2) the region south of Damascus and east of the Jordan, i.e. roughly corresponding to modern ‘Transjordania, (3) Palestine and Transjordania together. In this last sense it is often used by Josephus, as well as by other Greek writers, to denote the Ptolemaic possessions in the East in the 3rd century 8.0, On the yarious meanings of the term ef. G. Hélscher, Paldstina in der persischen und hellenistischen Zeit, 1903, pp. 6 ff., 98, U. Kahrstedt, Syrische Territorien in helleni- 326 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 24-28 kings, as also their city, which for that reason has been. laid waste until now. We have also thought it proper to make this known to you, lest you may perhaps be ignorant of it, namely that, if the city is thus refounded and has its circuit of walls restored, the road to Coele-Syria and Phoenicia ¢ will be closed to you.” : (2) When Cambyses read this letter, being natur- Cambyses’ ally bad,” he was aroused by its contents and wrote as ee oe follows : “ Thus says King Cambyses to Rathymos, }, Bets . the recorder of events, and Beelzemos ° and Semelios, 91}; Ez iv the scribe, and the rest of their colleagues resident in ἢ" Samaria ὦ and Phoenicia. After reading the letter sent by you, I ordered the records of my forefathers to be examined, and it was found that that city has always been hostile to the kings and that the inhabit- ants have been engaged in rebellions and wars ; and we have learned that their kings, being powerful and violent men, have levied tribute on Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. I have therefore given orders that the Jews shall not be permitted to rebuild the city, lest the amount of mischief which they have continually contrived against the kings be further increased.” stischer Zeit, 1926, pp. 6 ff., 96 ff., W. Otto in ABA VW, phil.- hist. K]., xxxiv. 1, 1928, pp. 30 ΕἾ, and A. Jones in JRS xxv., 1935, p. 229. ὃ Unscriptural detail. a ag as “Paotpw τῷ γράφοντι τὰ προσπίπτοντα καὶ Βεελτεέμῳ (v.1. Βεελτεθμῷ). The Aramaic text of Ezra gives 6*‘2l-t“2m as a title of Rehum (Rathymos), meaning something like “‘ chancellor.’’ Josephus, following 1 Esdras here, both translates it and transliterates it as a personal name (“ Rathymos, the recorder of events, and Beelzemos ’’), with the result that we have three persons addressed by Artaxerxes (Cambyses) instead of the two named in Scripture (namely Rehum and Shimshai) and in § 22. 4 1 Esdras adds “‘ and Syria.” 327 JOSEPHUS 29 Kaow.” τούτων ἀναγνωσθέντων τῶν γραμμάτων. ὃ “Ῥάθυμος καὶ Σεμέλιος ὁ γραμματεὺς καὶ ot i τούτοις συντεταγμένοι παραχρῆμα ἐπιπηδήσαντες ἵπποις ἔσπευσαν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα πλῆθος ἐπαγόμενοι πολύ, καὶ διεκώλυσαν οἰκοδομεῖν τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους τὴν 80 πόλιν καὶ τὸν ναόν. καὶ Ταῦτα μὲν ἐπεσχέθη ᾿ τὰ ἔργα μέχρι τοῦ δευτέρου ἔ ἔτους τῆς Δαρείου. βασι- λείας τῶν" Περσῶν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλα ἔ ἔτη ἐννέα" Καμβύσης γὰρ ἐξ ἔτη βασιλεύσας καὶ καταστρεψάμενος ἐν τούτοις τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑποστρέψας ἐτελεύτησεν οὖν : Δαμασκῷ. 31 (iii. 1) Mera δὲ τὴν τῶν μάγων ἀναίρεσιν; οἱ μετὰ τὸν Καμβύσου θάνατον τὴν Περσῶν. ἀρχὴν ἐνιαυτῷ κατέσχον, ot λεγόμενοι ἑπτὰ οἶκοι τῶν Περσῶν τὸν Ὑστάσπου παῖδα Δαρεῖον ἀπέδειξαν βασιλέα. οὗτος ἰδιώτης ὧν ηὔξατο τῷ θεῷ, εἰ γένοιτο βασιλεύς, πάντα τὰ σκεύη τοῦ )εοῦ, ὅσα ἦν ἔ ἔτι ἐν Βαβυλῶνι, πέμψειν εἰς τὸν ναὸν τὸν ἐν 32 “Ἱεροσολύμοις. ἔτυχε δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἀφικόμενος πρὸς Δαρεῖον ἐξ ἹἹεροσολύμων͵ Zopo- βάβηλος, ds τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ᾿Ιουδαίων ἡγεμὼν ἀπεδέδεικτο" πάλαι “γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ φιλία πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, δι’ ἣν καὶ σωματοφυλακεῖν αὐτὸν. μετ᾽ ἄλλων δύο κριθεὶς ἄξιος ἀπέλαυεν ἧς ἤλπισε" τιμῆς. 88. (2) Τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει Δαρεῖος ὑποδέχεται λαμπρῶς καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς παρασκευῆς 1: στοῦ rell. 3 ἤλπιζε AWE. « On the death of Cambyses (not, of course, mentioned in Scripture) cf. Herodotus iii. 64, according to whom it occurred at Agbatana (=Hamath 3) in Syria: cf. further E. Herzfeld in Indian and Iranian Studies Presented to. George A. Grierson (Bulletin of the School of Oriental merce viii.), 1936, pp. 589-597. 328 πτ μὰ ὡς JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 29-33 When this letter was read by them, Rathymos and Semelios, the scribe, and their colleagues immediately leaped on their horses and, accompanied by a large number of people,. hastened to Jerusalem and pre- vented the Jews from building the city and the temple. And so these works were stopped for nine *) years more. until the second year of Darius’s reign over Persia. For Cambyses after a reign of six years, ἡ during which he conquered Egypt, returned from, there and died in Damascus.* _ | G@ii. 1) After the killing of the Magi who held Darius and _ power in Persia for the year following the death of 7i7)""""! _ Cambyses, the so-called “seven houses” of the fabetos) Persians appointed. Darius, the son of Hystaspes, king.’ While still a private citizen, he had vowed to God that, if he became king, he would send all _ the yessels_of God which were still in Babylon to _ the temple in Jerusalem.‘ Now at that time there ha ed to come to Darius from Jerusalem Zoro- _ ba ἴσος who had been appointed governor of the Jewish tives, for there was δὴ old friendship between and the king, and having been on that _ account judged Winthy of of a place in the king’s body- _ guard er with two others, he was enjoying an honour for which he had hoped. _ (2) In the first year of his reign® Darius gave a The contest splendid entertainment with great display for his marie. ® Cf. Herodotus iii. 71. τ a © Cf. l Esdras iv. 43 f. 4 The preceding section, on Zerubbabel’s visit to Darius, is ~ the invention of Josephus, written to reconcile the scriptural account of Zerubbabel’s activity as leader of the Jews in _ Jerusalem (Ezra ch. iv.) with the Apocryphal story of Zerub- babel at the court of Darius (1 Esdras ch. iii. ff.), which Josephus relates in what follows. J * Detail not found in 1 Esdras. 329 JOSEPHUS Tous τε “περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς οἴκοι γεγονότας καὶ τοὺς τῶν Μήδων ἡγεμόνας καὶ σατράπας τῆς Περσίδος" καὶ τοπάρχας τῆς᾽ Ἰνδικῆς ἄχρι "τῆς Αἰθιοπίας καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι 94 καὶ ἑπτὰ στρ εὐτῦν, ἐπεὶ δὲ κατευωχηθέντες ἄχρι κόρου καὶ πλησμονῆς ἀνέλυσαν κοιμὴ σό- μενοι παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς ἕκαστοι, Δαρεῖος, ὁ, Bao evs ἐλθὼν € ἐπὶ THY κοίτην καὶ i βραχὺ τῆς νυκτὸς ἀναπαυ- σάμενος ἔξυπνος γίνεται, καὶ μηκέτι κατακοιμη- θῆναι δυνάμενος εἰς ὁμιλίαν τρέπεται μετὰ τῶν 35 τριῶν σωματοφυλάκων, καὶ τῷ λόγον ἐροῦντι περὶ ὧν αὐτὸς ἀνακρίνειν μέλλει τὸν ἀληθέστατον Kal συνετώτατον ," τούτῳ γέρας δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται. νικητήριον πορφύραν ἐνδύεσθαι" καὶ ἐν ἐκπώμασι χρυσοῖς πίνειν καὶ ἐπὶ χρυσίου καθεύδειν καὶ ἅρμα χρυσοχάλινον καὶ κίδαριν βυσσίνην καὶ περιαυ- χένιον χρύσεον, καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἕξειν προεδρίαν διὰ τὴν σοφίαν “" καὶ συγγενής pou,’ ᾿ ἔφη, > κληθή-. 36 σεται" τ ταύτας ἐπαγγειλάμενος. αὐτοῖς παρέξειν τὰς δωρεὰς ἐρωτᾷ μὲν τὸν πρῶτον εἰ. ὁ. ο νος. ὑπερισχύει, τὸν δεύτερον δέ, εἰ οἱ βασι εἴς, τὸν τρίταν δέ, εἰ αἱ γυναῖκες ἢ τούτων μᾶλλον ἡ 0 eer τῶν Περσῶν WE Lat. : hie ἃ 2 as τῆς eX LXX Naber. 8 ἀληθέστατον καὶ συνετώτατον WE: ἀληθέστερον, wed συν- ετώτερον rell. ἐνδύσεσθαι PF: ἐνδύσασθαι LV. 5 4 καὶ περίοπτος διαδόξαν ἔσεται Ῥ. * Or “ governors,” cf. 1 Esdras, “ἴο all the satraps "τα: governors (στρατηγοῖς) and toparchs under him from India to Ethiopia in the 127 satrapies.”’ 4} > So 1 Esdras. The 127 satrapies are also mentioned i in the book of Esther (i. 1), of which this section in 1 Esdras is 330 4 ae ων JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 33-36 court and those born in his house and the governors of Media, the satraps of Persia and the toparchs of the countries from India to Ethiopia, and the generals ¢ of the one hundred and twenty-seven satrapies.” And, when they had feasted to satiety and reple- tion, they departed, each one going to his own house to sleep; and King Darius went to his bed, but, after resting a brief part of the night, he awoke and, being unable to sleep any longer, fell to talking with his three bodyguards. To him who should give the truest and most intelligent speech on the subject about which he would question them, he promised to give as the prize of victory purple garments to wear, gold cups’ to drink from, a gold bed to sleep on and a chariot with a bridle of gold, a head-dress of fine linen the necklace of gold, and also to have the chief after the king because of his wisdom, ““ and,” he “he shall be called my Kinsman.” _ After offer- τὰ; bestow these gifts, he asked the first whether wine was the strongest thing, and the second whether were, and the third whether women were, or whether truth was strongest of all. When he had sehtrmecnt Actually there were only some 20 satrapies in the reign of Darius, of. B. Gray, CAH iv. 195. T. Reinach, in his note on this passage in Josephus, remarks that the ae inaugurated a system of smaller provinces, and refers. to the 120 satraps (A.V. “ princes ἬΡ mentioned in Daniel vi. 1. ΤῈ ᾿ς doubtful, however, whether there was anything like so large a number of provinces (in the sense of large administrative units) in the Seleucid. empire, cf. M. Rostovtzef i in CAH vii. 166 note 1, “ Appian, Syr. 62, gives the number of satrapies as seventy-two, but if we put together the data of historians and inscriptions we cannot make up more than twenty-five. We must assume that Appian has counted/as satrapies smaller units properly called hiae in Asia Minor and Media Atropatene, merides in din e-Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine.” 331 JOSEPHUS 4 θεια. ταῦτα προθεὶς αὐτοῖς ζητεῖν. ἡσύχασεν. 37 ὄρθρου δὲ μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας καὶ σατράπας καὶ τοπάρχας τῆς Περσίδος. καὶ Μηδικῆς καὶ καθίσας ἐν ᾧ χρηματίζειν εἰώθει τόπῳ," τῶν σωματοφυλάκων ἕκαστον ἐκέλευσε πάντων ἀκουόντων ἀποφαίνεσθαι τὸ δοκοῦν αὐτῷ περὶ τῶν προκειμένων. 88 (8) Καὶ ὁ πρῶτος ἠρξατο λέγειν τὴν τοῦ οἴνου δύναμιν, οὕτως αὐτὴν ἐμφανίζων" f avBpes,’ yap εἶπεν, “ ἐγὼ τὴν ἰσχὺν 708 οἴνου ,Τεκμαιρόμενος, πάντα ὑπερβάλλουσαν εὑρίσκω τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ" 39 σφάλλει τε γὰρ τῶν πινόντων αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπατᾷ τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως τῇ τοῦ ὀρφανοῦ καὶ δεομένου κηδεμόνος. ὁμοίαν τίθησιν, καὶ τὴν τοῦ δούλου διεγείρει πρὸς παρρησίαν τοῦ ἐλευθέρου, ἥ τε τοῦ πένητος ὁμοία γίνεται τῇ τοῦ πλουσίου" 40 μεταποιεῖ γὰρ καὶ μεταγεννᾷ τὰς ψυχὰς ἐν ἐν αὐταῖς. ἐγγενόμενος, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐν συμῴο ᾷ ,καθεστη- κότων σβέννυσι τὸ λυποῦν, τοὺς δὲ ἀλλόηρα χρέα λαβόντας εἰς λήθην ἄγει καὶ ποιεῖ δοκεῖν αὐτοὺς ἁπάντων πλουσιωτάτους, ὡς μηδὲν μικρὸν φθέγ- γεσθαι, ταλάντων δὲ μεμνῆσθαι καὶ τῶν τοῖς 41 εὐδαίμοσι προσηκόντων ὀνομάτων. ἔτι γε μὴν στρατηγῶν καὶ βασιλέων ἀναισθήτους ἀπεργάξεται καὶ φίλων καὶ συνήθων. ἐξαιρεῖ, “μνήμην" ὁπλίζει γὰρ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ κατὰ τῶν φιλτάτων καὶ 42 δοκεῖν ποιεῖ πάντων ἀλλοτριωτάτους. καὶ ὅταν ve patos ‘ νήψαντες τύχωσι καὶ καταλίπῃ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς \ ἮΝ αὐτοὺς 6 οἶνος κοιμωμένους, ἀνίστανται μηδὲν ὧν 1 τόπῳ om. PFW. 5. ἐξαίρει PIFLAV. α Josephus’s version of the contest differs from that of 332 ἡδν." JEWISH ANTIQUITIFS, XI. 36-42 set these questions for them to examine, he took his rest. Then in the morning he summoned the nobles, satraps and toparchs of Persia and Media, and, taking his seat in the place where he was wont to give judge- ment, he bade each of the bodyguards give his opinion on the matters in question in the hearing of all.* _ (8) And the first began to speak on the power of The first wine, describing it as follows. “ Sirs,” he said, 34. eins ““ when I estimate the strength of wine, I find that it Syeongr a surpasses all things in the following way. It misleads and deceives those who drink it, and causes the king’s understanding to be like that of an orphan or one who needs a guardian. It stirs up the mind of the slave to the outspokenness of the free man, while that of the poor man becomes similar to the rich man’s. For it remakes and regenerates their souls when it enters them, and drowns the sorrow of those over- taken by misfortune, while to those who are in debt to others it brings forgetfulness and makes them think themselves the richest of all men, so that they do not mention any small sum but speak only of talents and such denominations as are familiar to the prosperous. Moreover, it makes men unaware of commanders and kings, and takes away their memory of friends and companions. For it arms men against even their best friends, and makes these seem more complete strangers than any others. Then, when they become sober and the wine has left them during their night's sleep, they arise knowing nothing of what 1 Esdras (iii. 4-17), according to which the three guards arrange the terms of the contest while Darius is asleep, and themselves su what the prize shall be, and write down their answers for Darius to read when he awakes ; on awak- ing, he reads their answers and summons his nobles to hear each of the guards speak in support of his answer. 333 JOSEPHUS 7a ἔπραξαν. παρὰ τὴν μέθην. εἰδότες. τούτοις ἐγὼ τεκμαιρόμενος εὑρίσκω" τὸν σῖνον ὑπερκρατοῦντα πάντων καὶ βιαιότατον.᾽" PK ἜΤΙ 48 (4) Ὥς δὲ ὁ πρῶτος per eee περὶ τῆς ἰσχύος τοῦ οἴνου τὰ προειρημένα ἐπαύσατο, ὁ ὁ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤρξατο λέγειν περὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως, δυνά- μεως, ταύτην ἀποδεικνὺς ἰσχυροτάτην' καὶ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων δυναμένην, ὅσα. βίαν ἔχειν ἢ σύνεσιν δοκεῖ. τὸν δὲ τρόπον͵ τῆς. ἀποδείξεως ἐντεῦθεν 44 ἐλάμβανεν: ἁπάντων μὲν εἶπεν ἀνθρώπους περι- κρατεῖν, οἵ καὶ τὴν γῆν καταναγκάζουσι καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν εἶναι χρησίμην αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἃ θέλουσι, “ τούτων δ᾽ ἄρχουσιν οἱ βασιλεῖς καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσιν: οἱ δὲ τοῦ κρατίστου καὶ ἰσχυροτάτου ζῴου δεσπόζοντες ἀνυπέρβλητοι τὴν δύναμιν οὗτοι καὶ 45 τὴν ἰσχὺν εἰκότως ἂν εἶεν. ἀμέλει πολέμους ἐπι- τάττοντες καὶ κινδύνους τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἀκούονται, καὶ πέμποντες αὐτοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἐχθροὺς καταπειθεῖς διὰ τὴν ἰσχὺν τὴν αὑτῶν ἔχουσι, καὶ ὄρη μὲν κατεργά- ζεσθαι καὶ τείχη κατασπᾶν καὶ πύργους κελεύουσι, καὶ κτείνεσθαι δ᾽ οἱ κελευσθέντες καὶ κτείνειν ὑπομένουσιν, ἵνα μὴ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως δόξωσι παραβαίνειν προστάγματα, νικήσαντες δὲ τὴν ὠφέ- λειαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίζουσιν. 46 καὶ οἱ μὴ στρατευόμενοι δέ, ἀλλὰ γῆν ἐργαζόμενοι καὶ ἀροῦντες, ὅταν πονήσαντες καὶ ἅπασαν τὴν τῶν ἔργων ταλαιπωρίαν ὑ ὑπομείναντες θερίσωσι καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς συνέλωσι, τοὺς φόρους τῷ βασιλεῖ κομί- 47 ζουσιν. ὃ δ᾽ ἂν οὗτος εἴπῃ καὶ κελεύσῃ τοῦτο ἐξ ἀνάγκης οὐδὲν ὑπερβαλλομένων γίνεται. ἔπειθ᾽" ὁ μὲν τρυφῆς ἁπάσης καὶ ἡδονῆς ἀνά HOPES 334 “ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 42-47 the following line of demonstration. Men have power over all things, he said, for they compel the earth and the s€a to be of use to them in whatever way they wish, “ and they, in turn, are ruled by kings, since these have the authority. Now, that those who are masters of the strongest and mightiest of living things should therefore be of unsurpassed powerand strength is only»reasonable. Certain it is that when they impose war and danger upon their subjects they are obeyed and, when they send them against the enemy, they obtain obedience through their strength. They order them to level mountains and pull down walls and towers. Whenmen are ordered to be killed and to kill, they submit, in order that they may not seem to transgress the king’s commands, and, when they have won a victory, they bring the spoils of war to the king. And as for those who are not soldiers but till the soil and plough, when, after toiling and enduring all the hardships of their work, they have reaped and gathered in the fruits, they bring their tribute to the ἢ king». Whatever he says and commands is done of necessity without any delay. . Furthermore, when he goes to sleep after taking his fill of every luxury and 1 τὴν ἰσχυροτάτην codd. 2 ἔτι A: ἔτι θ᾽ Niese. 335 JOSEPHUS Lf, καθεύδει, φυλάσσεται δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἐγρηγορότων καὶ 48 ὡσανεὶ δεδεμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου: καταλιπεῖν. γὰρ οὐδὲ εἷς τολμᾷ κοιμώμενον οὐδὲ τῶν ἰδίων. ἀνα- χωρήσας ποιεῖσθαι “πρόνοιαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕν ἔργον ἡγού- μενος ἀναγκαῖον τὸ φυλάττειν τὸν βασιλέα, τούτῳ προσμένει. πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς δόξειε τὴν πάντων ἰσχὺν ὑπερβάλλειν, ᾧ ᾧ τοσοῦτον πλῆθος πείθεται κελεύοντι; καὶ 49 . (5) Σιωπήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου, περὶ. τῆς τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ὃ τρίτος Ζοροβάβηλος διδάσκειν αὐτοὺς ἤρξατο, λέγων οὕτως" ay ἰσχυρὸς μὲν καὶ ὁ οἶνος καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς, ᾧ πάντες ὑπ- ακούουσιν, ἀλλὰ κρείττους τὴν δύναμιν τούτων αἱ 50 γυναῖκες" τόν τε γὰρ βασιλέα γυνὴ παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸ φῶς, καὶ τοὺς φυτεύσαντας ἀμπέλους αἵ ποιοῦσι τὸν οἶνον γυναῖκές εἰσιν ai τίκτουσαί τε καὶ τρέ- φουσαι. καθόλου δ᾽ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὃ μὴ παρὰ τούτων ἔχομεν" καὶ γὰρ “τὰς ἐσθῆτας αὗται ὑφαίνουσιν ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ κατ᾽ οἶκον διὰ ταύτας ἐπιμελείας καὶ φυλακῆς ἀξιοῦται. καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἀπο- ζευχθῆναι γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ χρυσὸν πολὺν κτησάμενοι καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ ἄλλο τι τῶν πολυτελῶν καὶ σπουδῆς. ἀξίων, ὅταν ἴδωμεν εὔμορφον γυναῖκα, πάντα ἐκεῖνα ἀφέντες τῷ εἴδει τῆς ὁραθείσης προσκεχήναμεν καὶ ὑπομένομεν παραχωρῆσαι τῶν ᾿ ὄντων ἡμῖν, ἵνα τοῦ κάλλους ἀπολαύσωμεν καὶ δ2 μεταλάβωμεν. ἐγκαταλείπομεν δὲ καὶ πατέρας καὶ μητέρας" καὶ τὴν θρεψαμένην γῆν καὶ τῶν φιλτάτων πολλάκις λήθην ἔχομεν διὰ τὰς γυναῖκας, καὶ τὰς 5 — 1 καὶ μητέρας om. PF WE Lat. * It is generally recognized by biblical scholars that the 336 Taso. ee ςὐπσα JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 47-52 pleasure, he is guarded by men who keep awake and are, as it were, chained to their post by fear, for while he sleeps no one dares to leave him or withdraw to attend to his own affairs but, holding only one task to be imperative, namely that of guarding the king, he devotes himself to that. How, then, should the king not seem to surpass all others in strength when so great a number of men obey his commands ?” (5) When this one too was silent, the third, Zoro- Zerubbabel babélos, began to discourse on women and truth,? arcosga speaking as follows : ‘‘ Wine and the king, whom all 1 Esdras obey, are, to be sure, very strong, but greater in ἢ power than these are women. For it is a woman who brings a king into the world, and it is women who bear and bring up those who plant vines which pro- duce wine. In short, there is nothing which we do not get from them. For it is they who weave our clothes for us, and it is through them that the affairs of the household receive due care and attention. And it is impossible for us to be separated from women, for when, after acquiring a large sum of gold and silver and other things of great value and importance, we see a beautiful woman, we let all these things go at the appearance of such a person and stare at her open-mouthed and submit to yielding our possessions, in order to enjoy and partake of her beauty. We even leave our fathers and mothers ὃ and the land which nourished us, and often become forgetful of our best friends for the sake of women, and we have original of the story in 1 Esdras must have made “ women ” _ the third (and correct) answer to the question ““ What is most _ _ powerful of all things ἢ", and that the pious writer of the “ἢ _ Apocryphal account has given this popular tale a moral by +» _ bringing in Truth. Ὁ ὃ The variant omits “ and mothers.” 337 JOSEPHUSA tA! Wal ψυχὰς ἀφιέναι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν καρτεροῦμεν.". οὕτως δ᾽ ἂν μάλιστα τὴν ἰσχὺν τῶν γυναικῶν κατανοήσαιτε" 53 οὐχὶ πονοῦντες καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν ὑπομένοντες καὶ διὰ γῆς καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης, ὅταν ἡμῖν ἐκ τῶν πόνων περιγένηταί τινα, αὐτὰ φέροντες ὡς δεσποί- δ4 vais ταῖς γυναιξὶ διδόαμεν; καὶ τὸν βασιλέα δὲ τὸν τοσούτων κύριον εἶδόν ποτε ὑπὸ τῆς hy tpan τοῦ Θεμασίου" παιδὸς ᾿Απάμης παλλακῆς. αὐτοῦ ῥαπιζόμενον, καὶ τὸ διάδημα ἀφαιρουμένης καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ κεφαλῇ περιτιθείσης ἀνεχόμενον καὶ μειδιώσης μὲν μειδιῶντα ὀργιζομένης δὲ σκυθρωπάζοντα καὶ τῇ τῶν παθῶν μεταβολῇ κολακεύοντα τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ διαλλάττοντα αὐτὴν" ἐκ τοῦ σφόδρα ταπεινὸν αὑτὸν ποιεῖν, εἴ ποτε δυσχεραίνουσαν ἔβλεπεν.᾽ 55° (6) Εἰς ἀλλήλους. δὲ ἀφορώντων τῶν σατραπῶν καὶ ἡγεμόνων, περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ἤρξατο λέγειν ᾿» ἀπέδειξα μέν, εἰπών, “ὅσον ἰσχύουσιν. at ye- vaikes, ἀσθενέστεραι δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ αὗται Kal ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἀληθείας ὑπάρχουσιν. εἰ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ γῆ μεγίστη καὶ ὑψηλὸς ὁ οὐρανὸς καὶ ταχὺς ὁ ἥλιος," ταῦτα δὲ πάντα κινεῖται κατὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἀληθινὸς δέ € ἐστιν οὗτος καὶ δίκαιος, ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς αἰτίας δεῖ καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν. ἰσχυροτάτην ἡγεῖσθαι: καὶ μηδὲν “πρὸς αὐτὴν τὸ ἄδικον. δυνά- 56 μενον. ἔτι γε μὴν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα θνητὰ καὶ — 1 ἀξιοῦμεν καὶ καρτεροῦμεν LA. 3 Θαιμασίου LA: Θαυμασίου WE: Themasi Lat. a αὐτὴν om. FLAV. ταχὺς ὁ ἥλιος E: ταχὺς FVW Lat. et P! vid. : ταχὺς TH δρόμῳ ὁ ἥλιος LA (ef. Lxx). 41 Esdras codd. A, B Bapraxov, Luc. Βαζάκου: : » Variants Thaimasios, Thaumasios; 1 Esdras τοῦ Gata 338 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 52-56 the courage to lose our lives by their side. But you may most clearly perceive the strength of women from the fact that when, after labouring and enduring all kinds of hardship both by land and by sea, we have gained something from these labours, we bring it to women as to our mistresses and give it to them. Even the king, who is the lord of so many men, I once saw being slapped by his concubine Apamé, the daughter of Rabezakos * Themasios,” and putting up with it when she took the diadem away from him and placed it on her own head, smiling when she smiled, and looking serious when she was angry, flattering the woman according to her change of feelings,° and, if he happened to see her displeased, appeasing her by making himself very humble.” (6) Then, while the satraps and governors looked Zerubbabel at one another, he began to speak on truth, saying, fox} P™se “I have now shown how great is the strength of 1 Esdras women, but none the less both they and the king are * weaker than truth. For, although the earth is very great and the heavens high and the sun swift, yet all these move in accordance with the will of God, and, since He is true and just, we must for the same reason believe truth also to be the strongest thing, against which no injustice can prevail. Furthermore, all other things that possess strength are by nature στοῦ (which may be either a personal name or an epithet— “ the illustrious Bartakos”’). For various conjectures as to the idertity of this possibly historical figure ef. C. C. Torrey, Ezra Studies, 1910, pp. 40 ff., and S. A. Cook in R. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the O.T. i. 31 note 29. It may be added that a similar name, Thamasios, occurs in | He ge vii. ΩΝ . fi © Or, less probably, “ flattering the woman by his change of feeling.” ° . ie 7 "ὰ 339 JOSEPHUS | ἃ, εἶναι συμβέβηκε τῶν ἰσχὺν ἐχόντων, ἀθάνατον δὲ ἡ ἀλήθεια χρῆμα καὶ ἀίδιον. παρέχει δ᾽ ἡμῖν οὐ κάλλος χρόνῳ papawopevoy οὐδὲ περιουσίαν ἀφ- αἱρετὴν ὑπὸ τύχης" ἀλλὰ τὰ δίκαια καὶ τὰ νόμιμα, διακρίνουσα ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ ἀδικὰ καὶ ἀπελέγχουσα.᾽" 67 (7) Καταπαύει" μὲν ὁ Ζοροβάβηλος τὸν 1 περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας "λόγον, emBonoavros δὲ τοῦ πλήθους ὡς ἄριστα εἰπόντος, καὶ ὅτι τὸ ἀληθὲς ἐ ἰσχὺν ἄτρεπτον καὶ ἀγήρω μόνον ἔχοι, προσέταξεν αὐτὸν ὁ βασ ι- λεὺς αἰτήσασθαί τι πάρεξ ὧν αὐτὸς ἦν ὑπεσχημένος" δώσειν γὰρ ὄντι. “σοφῷ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μᾶλλον φανέντι συνετῷ" “ συγκαθεσθήσῃ δέ μοι, φησίν, δ8 “Kai κεκλήσῃ" συγγενὴς ἐμός. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος ὑπέμνησεν αὐτὸν τῆς εὐχῆς ἧς ἐποιήσατο, εἰ λάβοι τὴν βασιλείαν: αὕτη δ᾽ ἦν ἀνοικοδομῆσαι μὲν ᾿Ιεροσόλυμα, κατασκευάσαι δ᾽ ἐν αὐτοῖς. τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ναόν, ἀποκαταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ τὰ σκεύη ὅσα συλήσας ͵ Ναβουχοδονόσορος εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ἐκό- μισεν. ᾿ καὶ τοῦτ᾽, ᾿ ἔφη, “᾿ τοὐμὸν αἴτημά ἐστιν, ὅ μοι νῦν ἐπιτρέπεις αἰτήσασθαι κριθέντι cope Kal συνετῷ. * 59 (8) ᾿Ησθεὶς é ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ ὁ βασιλεὺς a ἀναστὰς κατ- εφίλησέ τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοῖς τοπάρχαις καὶ σατρά- παις γράφει κελεύων προπέμψαι τὸν Z Ζοροβάβηλον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ μέλλοντας ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκοδομὴν 60 ἐξιέναι τοῦ ναοῦ. ἐπέστειλε δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳι 1 + ἐν καιρῷ LA. 2 καὶ praem, LAVW. 3 κληθήσῃ FLAV. * συνετωτάτῳ PFVW. * Details (“beauty ... nor wealth”) not found in 1 Esdras, ΡΣ 340 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 56-60 mortal and short-lived, but truth is a thing immortal and eternal. And it gives us, not beauty, that fades with time, nor wealth, of which fortune may rob us, but what is just and lawful, and from this it keeps ΟΠ away injustice and puts it to shame.” (7) And so Zorobabélos ended his speech on truth, Darius _ whereupon the assembly acclaimed him as the best es speaker, saying that it was truth alone which had 1 Esdras unchanging and unaging strength? And the king ™ a _ directed him to ask for something beyond what he himself had promised, for, he said, he would give it to him for being wise and showing himself more intelligent than the others. “ You shall,” he added, _ “be seated next to me and be called my Kinsman.” When the king had said this, Zorobabélos reminded _ him of what he had vowed to do if he obtained the - throne ; this was to rebuild Jerusalem and construct the temple of God there and restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had taken as spoil to Babylon. “ And this,” he said, “ is the request which you have _ just permitted me to make for being judged wise and intelligent.” ¢ t (8) Being pleased with these words, the king arose Darius’s and kissed him; and he wrote to the toparchs and Pevsegions satraps,? ordering them to escort Zorobabélos and 1 Esdras those who were to go with him to build the temple. ἢ = He also wrote to those in Syria and Phoenicia, order- > 1 Esdras, “ Great is truth and it prevails ᾿" (this famous sentence is often misquoted as “ Great is truth and it will “ον > Ξ ALY. renders “ Great is truth and mighty above ¢ Variant ‘‘ most intelligent.’’ This detail is not found in 1 Esdras. ¢ Josephus omits the “ stewards (οἰκονόμους) and governors (στρατηγούς) ’ mentioned in 1 Esdras. VOL. VI M 341 JOSEPHUS καὶ Φοινίκῃ ξύλα κέδρινα κατακομίζειν ἐκ τοῦ Λιβάνου τεμόντας εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. καὶ. ovyKata- oxevalew αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πάντας ἔγραψεν ἐλευθέρους εἶναι τοὺς εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν τῶν αἰχμα- 61 λώτων ἀπελθόντας. καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους τοὺς 6 6 2 oo αὐτοῦ Kal σατράπας ἐκώλυσεν ἐπιτάττειν τοῖς Ιουδαίοις τὰς βασιλικὰς χρείας, ἀνῆκέ τε πᾶσαν ἣν ἂν κατασχεῖν δυνηθῶσι τῆς χώρας ἀτελῆ φόρων αὐτοὺς νέμεσθαι. προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἴδου- μαίους καὶ Σαμαρείτας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφεῖναι τὰς κώμας" ἃς τῶν Ιουδαίων κατεῖχον, καὶ προσέτι τάλαντα πεντήκοντα εἰς, τὴν οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ δοθῆναι, θύειν τε αὐτοῖς τὰς νενομισμένας ἐπέτρεψε θυσίας" ἐπέτρεψε δὲ" καὶ τὴν χορηγίαν ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν ἱερὰν στολήν, q Oepa- πεύουσι τὸν θεὸν 6 τε ἀρχιερεὺς. καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων γίνεσθαι, καὶ τοῖς Λευίταις τὰ ὄργανα οἷς ὑμνοῦσι τὸν θεόν, καὶ τοῖς φύλαξι τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προσέταξε κλήρους γῆς δοθῆναι, καὶ κατὰ ἕκαστον ἔτος ἀρνιά < τι πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βίου χρείαν ἀργύριον, πέμψαι ὃ € καὶ τὰ σκεύη, καὶ πάντα ὅσα Κῦρος πρὸ αὐτοῦ ἐβουλήθη περὶ τῆς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀποκαταστάσεως, ταῦτα καὶ Δαρεῖος διετάξατου 1 χώρας ΕἾΝ ΑΚ. 2 ἐπέτρεψε θυσίας: ἐπέτρεψε δὲ A: θυσίας ἐπέτρεψε δὲ (δὲ οτη. ῬῚ ΡΕῚΝ ; ἐπέτρεψε θυσίας E. 41 Esdras “ stewards.” Josephus’s term ἐπίτροπος is commonly used in the Greek literature of the Roman period to translate Latin procurator, the title of the emperor’s financial representative in the provinces. In the earlier (Hellenistic) period it is sometimes used as a synonym of διοικητής, the title of the finance- minister in Ptolemaic Egypt. 342 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 60-63 ing them to cut cedar wood from Lebanon and send it down to Jerusalem and aid him in building the city. And he decreed that all those captives returning to Judaea should be free. He also forbade his pro- curators ὦ and satraps to require of the Jews any services to the king, and he gave permission for them to live, without payment of tribute, on as much of the land as they aint occupy. And he also commanded the Idumaeans and Samaritans and those in Coele- Syria ὃ to give up the villages * which they had taken from the Jews and now held, and that an additional fifty ¢ talents should be given for the building of the temple. He allowed them to offer the customary sacrifices, and allowed all the charges, including that of the sacred vestments in which the high priest and the priests worshipped God, to come out of his own treasury ; he commanded that the Levites should be given the instruments with which they sang the praises of God,’ and the guards of the city and the _ temple allotments of land as well as a fixed sum of silver yearly 7 for the necessities of life, and also that the vessels for the temple should be sent. What- ever Cyrus before him had wished to be done for the restoration of the temple, all this did Darius decree. ὃ Only the Idumaeans are mentioned in most mss. of 1 Esdras (for “ Idumaeans ” cod. B has “‘’Chaldaeans ”). On Josephus’s motive in adding the Samaritans ¢f. § 16 note ὁ. © Variant “ countries ᾿ or “ territories.” 4 1 Esdras 20. Josephus, moreover, omits the “ 10 talents yearly for the daily burnt-offerings ” mentioned in the next ~~ _ verse in 1 Esdras. * The instruments are not mentioned in 1 Esdras, which has “ provisions * (χορηγίαν). ο΄ ἢ For“ fixed sum of silver yearly ” 1 Esdras has “ wages ” (ὀψώνια). 848 JOSEPHUS 64 (9) Τυχὼν οὖν τούτων παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. Ζορο- βάβηλος “ἐξελθὼν ἀπὸ" τῶν βασιλείων καὶ ἀνα- βλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν εὐχαριστεῖν ἤρξατο τῷ θεῷ τῆς σοφίας καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ νίκης, ἣν. Δαρείου παρόντος ἔλαβεν" οὐ γὰρ ἂν τούτων agin ῆναι “μὴ 65 σοῦ, φησί, ᾿ ᾿ δέσποτα, τυχὼν εὐμενοῦς." ταῦτ᾽ οὖν περὶ τῶν παρόντων εὐχαριστήσας, τῷ θεῷ. καὶ πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα δεηθεὶς αὑτὸν παρέχειν ὅμοιον, ἧκεν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα καὶ τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις εὐηγγελίσατο 66 τὰ παρὰ" τοῦ βασιλέως. οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εὐ- χαριστοῦσι μὲν τῷ θεῷ πάλιν αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντι τὴν πάτριον γῆν, εἰς δὲ πότον καὶ κώμους τραπέντες ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ διήγαγον εὐωχούμενοι καὶ τὴν ἀνάκτησιν καὶ παλιγγενεσίαν τῆς πατρίδος ἑορτάζοντες. ἔπειτα τοὺς ἀναβησομένους εἰς τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα ἡγεμόνας ἐκ τῶν πατριῶν καὶ φυλῶν" σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις καὶ ὑποζυγίοις ἐπελέξαντο, οἱ Δαρείου συμπέμψαντος ἕως τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων ὥδευον μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ τρυφῆς, ψαλλόμενοι. καὶ καταυλούμενοι καὶ περιψοφούμενοι τοῖς κυμβάλοις. προέπεμψε" δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ ὑπολειπόμενον τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων πλῆθος “μετὰ παιδιᾶς. ἢ 68 (10) Kai οἵ μὲν οὕτως ἀπήεσαν ἐξ ἑκάστης πατριᾶς ἀριθμὸς ὄντες ὡρισμένος. ,ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐκ ἔδοξε τὰ τῶν πατριῶν καταλέγειν ὀνόματα, ἵνα μὴ τὴν τῶν ἀναγινωσκόντων διάνοιαν τῆς συναφῆς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀποσπάσας δυσπαρακολούθητον αὐτοῖς 69 ποιήσω τὴν διήγησιν. τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιον τῶν ἀπερχο- 6 =] 1 ἐκ WE. 2 Zonaras, ed. pr.: περὶ codd. E. 3 πατριῶν καὶ φυλῶν conj.: πατρίων φυλῶν codd.: tribuum Lat.: πατριῶν Niese. 844 a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 64-69 (0) And so, having obtained these favours from the king, Zorobabélos went out from the palace and, looking up to heaven, began to return thanks to God for his wisdom and for the victory which he had obtained through it in the presence of Darius. For, he said, he would not have been granted these things, “if I had not, O Lord, found favour with Thee.”’ And so, having thus returned thanks to God for His present favours and besought Him to show Himself similarly favourable in the future, he came to Babylon and brought to his countrymen the good news from 4 the king. When they had heard it, they returned thanks to God for giving them back the land of their fathers, and gave themselves up to drinking and revelry, and spent seven days in feasting and celebrat- ing the recovery and rebirth of their native land. Then they selected from the families and tribes ὃ the leaders who were to go up to Jerusalem with their wives and children and beasts of burden, and these, with an escort sent by Darius to take them as far as Jerusalem, went their way with joy and ease to the sound of harps and flutes and the clashing of cymbals. They were also sent on their way with merriment by a crowd of those Jews who were left behind. (10) Thus, then, did they depart, from each family a fixed number. But I have thought it better not to give a list of the names of the families lest I distract the minds of my readers from the connexion of events and make the narrative difficult for them to follow. However, the total number of those who went from @ Variant “‘ about.” > Emended text; ss. ‘* from the country’s tribes.” * V: προέπεμπε rell. 345 Zerubbabel announces the joyful news to the Jews. 1 Esdras iv. 58. The number of exiles returning to Jerusalem. JOSEPHUS νι, ὌΝ sat ὃ ὁὃ \ HA / , » μένων περὶ ἔτη δώδεκα τὴν ἡλικίαν γεγονότων ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς καὶ Βενιαμίτιδος ἦν μυριάδες τέσσαρες" τετρακόσιαι ἑξήκοντα δύο καὶ ὀκτακισ- , i \ , 3 , τῶ 7 ἢ χίλιοι, Λευῖται δὲ τέσσαρες" καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, γυναικῶν δὲ ἀναμὶξ καὶ νηπίων σώματα ἦν τε- 70 τρακισμύρια ἑπτακόσια τεσσαράκοντα δύο. πάρεξ δὲ τούτων Λευῖται μὲν ἦσαν ὑμνῳδοὶ ἑκατὸν ” > , \ qari \ pert ἃ ἢ ~ \ εἴκοσι ὀκτώ, πυλωροὶ δὲ ἑκατὸν δέκα," δοῦλοι δὲ ε \ , > ᾽ δύ » » ye ἱεροὶ τριακόσιοι ἐνενήκοντα δύο, ἄλλοι τε πρὸς τούτοις λέγοντες μὲν εἶναι τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν οὐ δυνάμενοι δὲ ἐπιδεῖξαι τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ἑξακόσιοι t 5 , > , , \ a. 71 πεντήκοντα" δύο. ἐξεβλήθησαν δέ τινες καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ἐκ τῆς τιμῆς ἠγμένοι γυναῖκας ὧν οὔτ᾽ αὐτοὶ τὸ γένος εἶχον εἰπεῖν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ταῖς γενεα- λογίαις τῶν Λευιτῶν καὶ ἱερέων εὑρέθησαν ὡς" 72 πεντακόσιοι καὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι. τὸ δὲ τῶν θεραπόντων πλῆθος εἵπετο τοῖς ἀναβαίνουσιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἑπτακισχιλίων τριακοσίων τριάκοντα ε / / A A /, , ; ἑπτά, ψάλται δὲ καὶ ψάλτριαι διακόσιοι τεσσα- ράκοντα πέντε, κάμηλοι τετρακόσιαι τριάκοντα , μὲ πέντε, ὑποζύγια δὲ πεντακισχίλια πεντακόσια εἴκοσι ~ 4, 73 πέντε. ἡγεμὼν δὲ τῆς κατηριθμημένης. πληθύος - > ~ ta ἣν ὁ Σαλαθιήλου παῖς Ζοροβάβηλος ἐκ τῶν υἱῶν 1 ὑπὲρ Hudson. 2 μυριάδες τέσσαρες ex LXx Ernesti: μυριάδες codd. 3 quattuor milia Lat. 4 δεκαδύο LA. 5 ἑξήκοντα WE. 8 WE: ἦσαν δὲ ὡς rell. * Cf. § 188, > Lit. “about ’?; Hudson reads ὑπὲρ “ above” (ef. 1 Esdras “ from ”’). ¢ mended text; mss. read literally “ myriads four hun- dred sixty-two and eight thousand ” which apparently is to 346 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 69-73 the tribes of Judah and Benjamin 5 and were at least? twelve years of age was forty-eight thousand four ἧι hundred and sixty-two.° There were also seventy- four Levites and a mixed number. of women and children amounting to forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two.’ Beside these there were one hundred and twenty-eight Levite singers, one hun- dred and ten” porters, three hundred and ninety- two/ temple servants and, in addition, six hundred and -two others, who said that they were of Israelite stock but were unable to prove their descent. Some of the priests also were expelled from office for having married wives whose descent they themselves could not tell and who could not be found in the genealogies of Levites and priests ; of these there were some five hundred and twenty-five.’ The number of servants who accompanied those going up to Jerusalem was seven thousand three hundred and _ thirty-seven, and there were two hundred and forty-five” men and women musicians, four hundred and thirty-five camels and five thousand five hundred and twenty- five beasts of burden.‘ The leaders of the host here enumerated were Zorobabélos, son of Salathiélos,j who was of the tribe of Judah, being one of the be summed as 4,628,000 (multiplying 10,000 by 462 and adding 8000). But-even. the emended text differs from 1 Esdras and Ezra, which have 42,360. 4 No number is given for the women and children in 1 Esdras or Ezra. 51 Esdras and Ezra 139. 7 So Ezra: 1 Esdras 372. 2 No such number is given for the rejected priests in 1 Esdras or Ezra. *® So 1 Esdras; Ezra 200. So 1 Esdras ; Ezra 6720 asses.. 1 Esdras and Ezra, moreover, add 736 (1 Esd. ».1. 7036) horses and 245 mules. 4 Cf. 1 Esdras Σαλαθιήλ ; Ezra Shealtiel (S*’alti’al). 347 θα v. ; Ezra ii. δά. 1 Esdras v. 26; Ezra ii 40. 1 Esdras v. 5; Ezraii. 2 JOSEPHUS av τῶν Δαυίδου γεγονὼς ἐκ τῆς Ἰούδα φυλῆς, καὶ Ἰησοῦς υἱὸς ᾿Ιωσεδέκου τοῦ “ἀρχιερέως. πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ ὃ "Μαρδοχαῖος καὶ Σερεβαῖος ἐ ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους κεκριμένοι" ἄρχοντες ἦσαν, ot καὶ συν- εβάλοντο μνᾶς μὲν χρυσίου ἑκατὸν ἀργύρου δὲ 74 πεντακισχιλίας. οὕτως μὲν οὖν οἵ 7 ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ Aevirat καὶ μέρος τι τοῦ παντὸς λαοῦ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, ὅ ὅσον ἦν ἐν τῇ Βαβυλῶνι, μετῳκίσθησαν" εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα" τὸ δὲ ἄλλο. πλῆθος εἰς τὰς ἰδίας ἀνεχώρησε πατρίδας. 75 (iv. 1) ‘EPdopm δὲ μηνὶ τῆς ἀπὸ Βαβυλῶνος αὐτῶν ἐξόδου περιπέμψαντες ὅ ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰησοῦς καὶ ,“Δοροβάβηλος ὁ ἄρχων τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας συνήγαγον εἰς ἱἱἹεροσόλυμα πανδημεὶ μηδὲν προ- 76 θυμίας ἀπολιπόντες." κατεσκεύασάν τε θυσια- στήριον ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ πρότερον ἦν φκοδομημένον τόπου, ὅπως τὰς νομίμους ἀναφέρωσι θυσίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους. ταῦτα δὲ ποιοῦντες οὐκ ἦσαν ἐν ἡδονῇ τοῖς προσχωρίοις 77 ἔθνεσιν πάντων αὐτοῖς ἀπεχθανομένων.. ἤγαγον δὲ καὶ τὴν σκηνοπηγίαν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρόν, 1 υἱῶν ὧν PILA: υἱωνῶν P?VW: υἱῶν FOE. ' 2 κεχρισμένοι WE. 3 Naber: moronic codd. 4 ἀπολιπόντας Hudson: ἀπολειπόντας F * So 1 Esdras; Ezra does not mention his Davidie lineage. > So 1 Esdras; Ezra Jeshua ( Yési‘a). The Heb. name is a contraction of Y*hésé‘a=bibl. Joshua. ¢ Of. 1 Esdras Ἰωσεδέκ : bibl. Jozadak (Yésadaq), cf. : Ant. x. 150 note g. 4 So 1 Esdras; Ezra Mordecai. * 1 Esdras cod. A Zapéov, cod. B Zapaiov, Luc. Σαραίου: — Ezra Seraiah (S*rayah). Other names are added in both © books. 71 Esdras 1000 minae of gold and 5000 minae of silver ; 348 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 73-77 descendants of David,’ and Jésiis,? son of the high priest Jidsedekos.° In addition to these, Mardo- chaios* and Serebaios ¢ were selected from the host as officers, and they also contributed one hundred 1 Esdras v. minae of gold and five thousand of silver‘ Thus, 12: =™% then, did the priests and Levites and a portion of the entire Jewish people in Babylon emigrate to Jeru- salem, while the rest of the people went off, each to his native place. (iv. 1) In the seventh month after the departure The festival from Babylon? the high priest Jésiis and Zorobabélos, οἵ 72>" the governor, sent round and, showing no lack of observed at zeal, brought the country people together in a body ἃ. Ἐπάν at Jerusalem. And they constructed an altar on re are il the spot where the former one had been built, in order that they might offer on it the customary sacrifices to God in accordance with the laws of Moses, But in doing this they incurred the dis- pleasure‘ of the neighbouring nations, all of whom were hostile to them. They also celebrated the festival of Tabernacles at that time, in the manner Ezra 61,000 drachmae (dark*ménim) of gold and 5000 minae (manim) of silver (A.V. renders dark*ménim by ** dram ” and manim by “pound "). Josephus omits the 100 priestly garments mentioned in both books. These contributions were made by “ some of the heads of families ” according to 1 Esdras and Ezra, not necessarily by the leaders named here, as J hus. implies. 71 and _Ezra have merely “ when the seventh month was come.” Both books, moreover, state that the work on the ven was begun in the reign of Cyrus and continued until the reign of Darius. Josephus simplifies the chronological problem by passing over the connexion of Jeshua and Zerubbabel with Cyrus, ef. § 78. * The p here is Thucydidean, 2 Thue. viii. 22. * This phrase (οὐκ ἦσαν ἐν ἡδονῇ) also is Thucydidean, ef. Thue. i. 99. 349 JOSEPHUS € c.f / ‘ 2am fi re pee ὡς 6 νομοθέτης περὶ αὐτῆς διετάξατο, καὶ προσ- \ \ a \ ‘ Or . ' φορὰς μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τοὺς καλουμένους ἐνδε- λεχισμοὺς καὶ τὰς θυσίας τῶν σαββάτων καὶ πασῶν τῶν ἁγίων ἑορτῶν, οἵ τε πεποιημένοι τὰς εὐχὰς ἀπεδίδοσαν θύοντες ἀπὸ νουμηνίας τοῦ e / / ες ‘ ‘ ~ > ’ 78 ἑβδόμου μηνός. ἤρξαντο δὲ καὶ τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ, πολλὰ τοῖς τε λατόμοις καὶ τέκτοσι χρήματα δόντες καὶ τὰ πρὸς τροφὴν τῶν εἰσαγο- , 1 a , εἐτν \ a ΄ μένων, τοῖς τε Σιδωνίοις ἡδὺ καὶ κοῦφον ἦν τά τε κέδρινα κατάγουσιν ἐκ τοῦ Λιβάνου ξύλα, δήσασιν αὐτὰ καὶ σχεδίαν πηξαμένοις, εἰς τὸν τῆς ᾿Ἰόπης κομίζειν λιμένα: τοῦτο γὰρ πρῶτον" μὲν Κῦρος ἐκέλευσεν, τότε δὲ Δαρείου κελεύσαντος" ἐγίνετο. ih 79 (2) Ἔν τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τῆς εἰς “lepoodAvpa καθόδου τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων μηνὶ δευτέρῳ παράγενο- μένων συνείχετο" ἡ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευή" καὶ τοὺς θεμελίους ἐγείραντες τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ δευτέρου μηνὸς τοῦ δευτέρου ἔτους ἐπῳκοδόμουν, προ- στησάμενοι τῶν ἔργων Λευιτῶν τε τοὺς εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἤδη γεγονότας καὶ ᾿Ιὴἡσοῦν καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς ν᾿. ΑἹ \ N > \ YY , 8 A αὐτοῦ Kat τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς Kat Zodptndrov® τὸν 1 ἐργαζομένων ex Lat. (operantibus) Cocceji. : πρῶτος ῬΑ. 3 γράψαντος AW. 4 Ὧν FLAV. 5 συνήγετο Cocceji: ἠπείγετο conj. Naber sed συνείχετο retin. in edd.: ef. § 171. 5. Ζοδμιῆλον L: Ζοδμοῆλον F : Ζολιμήηλον P: Ζωλιμίηλον V: Ζολιμήει W: Obdoilum Lat. @ So Ezra and most mss. of 1 Esdras; cod. B “ first.” >“ Pleasant and easy” (ἡδὺ καὶ κοῦφον) reflects the reading χάρα “joy ᾿" found in some mss. of 1 Esdras; the other mss. have κάρρα “ carts” or κάρυα “ nuts” or καρπούς “ fruits ” in the list of supplies furnished the workmen, οὗ. 350 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 77-79 which the lawgiver had ordained, and after that they brought the offerings and the so-called continual burnt-offerings and the sacrifices of the sabbaths and all the sacred festivals; and those who had _ made vows paid them by sacrificing, from the new _ moon oftheseventh*monthon. They also began the building of the temple, giving large sums of money to the stone-cutters and carpenters and the sums needed for the sustenance of the workmen who were brought in; and it was pleasant and easy ὃ for _ the Sidonians to bring down cedar wood from _ Lebanon, bind the logs together and fasten them into _ rafts to convey them to the harbour of Jopé.* This __ had first been ordered by Cyrus but was now being ᾿ς earried out at the order of Darius.? (2) In the second year after the return of the Jews The com- to Jerusalem, in the second month when they came #0222; there, theconstruction of the temple was undertaken‘; ‘mple. after raising the foundations on the new moon of the 56; Ezra iii second month of the second year, they began to build * on them and placed in charge of the work those of the ~ _ Levites who had reached the age of twenty years, and _ Jé@siis and his sons and brothers, and Zodmiélos,’ the _ Ezra iii. 7, “ They gave . . . food and drink and oil to the Sidonians and Tyrians.” 1 © Bibl. Joppa, modern Jaffa, cf. Ant. ix. 208 note ὁ. 4 Cf. § 75 note g. ; * Lue. 1 Esdras adds “" of Darius,” cf. § 106 note e. 7 This rendering of συνείχετο is supported by the chrono- _ logy implied in § 106, but in § 171 συνέχειν seems to mean _ “eontinue.”’ Perhaps, in view of the statement in Ezra iv. 24 that the work “ ceased unto the second year of the reign of Darius,” we should here render “ resumed.” * Variants Zolimiélos, Obdoilos, εἰς. : Ezra Kadmiel; 1 ™ Esdras cod. A Καδωήλ, cod. B Δαμαδιήλ, other mss. Καδμεήλ, Luc. Κεδμιήλ., : ἊΝ μων, Μὲ, 551 JOSEPHUS : ἀδελφὸν ᾿Ιούδα τοῦ *ApwaddBov' καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς 80 αὐτοῦ. καὶ ὁ μὲν ναὸς πάσῃ χρησαμένων σπουδῇ 81 82 83 84 ~ > > ~~ τῶν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐγκεχειρισμένων θᾶττον ἢ προσεδόκησεν ἄν τις ἔλαβεν τέλος. ἀπαρτισθέντος δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ μετὰ σαλπίγγων οἵ ἱερεῖς ταῖς συνήθεσι στολαῖς κεκοσμημένοι καὶ οἱ Λευῖται καὶ ot > / to > 4 “ A , ς Aoddov παῖδες ἀναστάντες ὕμνουν τὸν θεόν, ὡς A > >, 4 ° , / A ~ τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν εὐλογίαν Aavidns κατέδειξε πρῶτος. οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευῖται καὶ τῶν πατριῶν ot πρεσβύτεροι τὸν πρότερον ναὸν ταῖς μνήμαις ἀναπολοῦντες μέγιστόν τε καὶ πολυτελέστατον, καὶ τὸν γεγενημένον ὁρῶντες ὑπὸ πτωχείας ἐνδε- έστερον τοῦ πάλαι κατασκευαζόμενον, ὅσον εἶεν τῆς ἀρχαίας εὐδαιμονίας ὑποβεβηκότες καὶ τῆς ἀξίας τοῦ ναοῦ λογιζόμενοι κατήφουν, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ λύπης κρατεῖν οὐ δυνάμενοι μέχρι θρήνων καὶ δακρύων προήγοντο. ὁ δὲ λαὸς ἠγάπα τοῖς παροῦσιν καὶ τῷ μόνον οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸ ἱερόν, τοῦ / ΝΜ ’ / / 4 2.» πρότερον ὄντος οὐδένα λόγον ποιούμενος οὐδ ἀνάμνησιν, οὐδὲ πρὸς τὴν σύγκρισιν τὴν ἐκείνου Ld € A « κι 9 > / Ἅ 8 © βασανίζων αὑτὸν ws ἐπ᾽ ἐλάττοσιν ἢ οἷς" ὑπ- - , eAduBavev. ὑπερεφώνει δὲ τὸν τῶν σαλπίγγων ~ e ~ ἦχον Kal τὴν τοῦ πλήθους χαρὰν ἡ τῶν πρεσβυ- ,ὔ, a © "4 γι.» > , > ~ A τέρων καὶ ἱερέων, ἐφ᾽ ols ἐδόκουν ἐλαττοῦσθαι τὸν “- » A ναὸν τοῦ κατασκαφέντος, οἰμωγή. - A ~ ~ / > 4 € (3) Τῆς δὲ βοῆς τῶν σαλπίγγων ἀκούσαντες οἱ 1 ᾿Αβιναδάβου PW. 2 ἐκ Naber. 3 ἢ ols Dindorf: οἷς codd. 352 Ἰδέ... ee —— = ὙρΦΦΦοὩἉ “π΄ - — JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 79-84 brother of Judas, son of Aminadabos, and his sons.* And so, because those into whose hands the super- intendence of the work was given, carried it out with all zeal, the temple was completed sooner than one would have expected.’ And, when the sanctuary was finished, the priests with trumpets, robed in their customary vestments, and the Levites and the sons-of Asaph arose and sang the praises of God as David had first shown how to bless Him. But the priests and Leyites and the elders of the families, to mind the former temple which had been very great and costly, and seeing that the one _ recently constructed fell short of the old one because of their poverty, and considering how far they had fallen below their ancient prosperity and a state worthy of the temple, were downcast, and being v unable to master their grief at this thought, were moved to laments and weeping. The people, how- ever, were content with the present state of things and the mere building of the temple, and had no thought nor memory of the former one, nor did they torment themselves by comparing this one with the other as being less than what they had supposed. But louder than the sound of the trumpets and the joy of the multitude was heard the wailing of the elders and priests because the temple seemed to them inferior to that which had been destroyed.*- : (3) On hearing the sound of the cade the * Ezta “ Kadmiel and his sons, the sons of Judah to- geibes «νον and the sons of Henadad, their sons and their rothers, SO A OTES 8 the at aaa Esdras have con- fused texts. Sa μᾶς Ἧς nod corresponds to bibl. Henadad (Hénadad ® This sentence πὸ an addition to Scripture. * Josephus here amplifies somewhat. 353 JOSEPHUS Σαμαρεῖται (ἐτύγχανον yap ἀπεχθανόμενοι τῇ τὲ ᾿Ιούδα φυλῇ καὶ τῇ Βενιαμίτιδὴ) συνέδραμον, τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ θορύβου μαθεῖν θέλοντες. γνόντες δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας εἰς _BaBurdva τῶν *Tov- δαίων ἀνακτίζοντας τὸ ἱερόν, προσίασιν τῷ Ζοροβαβήλῳ καὶ ᾿Ἰησοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἡγουμένοις τῶν πατριῶν ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοῖς ἐπιτραπῆναι συγκατα- σκευάσαι τὸν ναὸν καὶ κοινωνῆσαι τῆς οἰκοδομίας: 85 “ σεβόμεθα γὰρ οὐκ ἔλαττον ἐκείνων τὸν θεόν," ἔφασκον, “᾿ καὶ τοῦτον" ὑπερευχόμεθα" καὶ τῆς θρησκείας ἐσμὲν ἐπιθυμηταὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου ἀφ᾽ οὗ Σαλμανάσσης" ὁ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς Χουθίας ἡμᾶς μετήγαγεν καὶ Μηδίας 86 ἐνθάδε. τούτους αὐτῶν ποιησαμένων τοὺς λόγους Ζοροβάβηλος καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ οἱ τῶν πατριῶν ἡγεμόνες τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔφασαν τῆς μὲν͵ οἰκοδομίας αὐτοῖς ἀδύνατον εἶναι κοινωνεῖν, αὐτῶν προστἀχθέντων κατασκευάσαι τὸν ναὸν πρότερον μὲν ὑπὸ Κύρου νῦν δὲ ὑπὸ 87 Δαρείου" προσκυνεῖν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐφιέναι. καὶ τοῦτο μόνον εἶναι κοινόν, εἰ βούλονται, πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν σέβειν τὸν θεόν. ry HORS 1 χρύτων P?: τούτῳ Ernesti. 3 ὑπερχόμεθα Naber. 8. ex libr. non. Niese: Σαλ(α)μανασ(σ)άρης codd. 41 Esdras and Ezra ‘ the enemies of Judah and Ben- jamin.” Further on in both books we read that these “enemies ’’ were the people settled in Samaria by the Assyrians. L 964 ieatial as ἂν OR Oe JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 84-87 Samaritans,* who were, as it happened, hostile to the The — tribes of Judah and Benjamin, came running there, τς κοτε πεν for they wished to learn the reason for the disturb- 9%," help ance. And, when they found that the Jews who had temple. been taken captive to Babylon were rebuilding the jg. fo. ἵν. sanctuary, they approached Zorobabélos and Jésiis |. and the chiefs of the families, and asked to be allowed to join in constructing the temple and to have a share in the building. ‘‘ For we worship God no less than they,” they asserted, “and pray fervently to Him and have been zealous in His service from the time when Salmanassés,® the king of Assyria, brought us hither from Chuthia and Media.” Such was the speech they made, but Zorobabélos and the high priest Jésiis and the chiefs of the Israelite families told them that it was impossible for them to have a share in the building since none but themselves had been commanded to build the temple, the first time by Cyrus and now by Darius.© They would, how- “ἢ ever, allow them to worship there, they said, but the only thing which they might, if they wished, have in common with them, as might all other men, was to come to the sanctuary and revere God.4 > Emended form: mss. Sal(a)manas(s)arés; bibl. Esar- haddon; 1 Esdras cod. A ᾿Ασβασαρέθ, cod. B ᾿Ασβακαφάθ, Lue. ᾿Αχορδάν. The form Asbasareth in cod. A is prob- ably due to confusion with the name Sheshbazzar, and Achordan in Luc. is probably a corruption of Asorchadan Ὑ' (=bibl_Esar-haddon), cf. C. C. Torrey, Ezra Studies, p. 169. Josephus has altered haddon to Salmanasses (=bibl. ‘Shalmaneser), in order to make the reference consistent with the earlier bibl. account in 2 Kings ch. xvii., cf. Ant. ix. 277 ff. © The reference to Darius is an addition to Scripture, ef. § 75 note n. ; 4 This sentence is an addition to Scripture. 355 JOSEPHUS 88 (4) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες οἱ Χουθαῖοι (τὴν γὰρ ne ap ρίαν ot Σαμαρεῖται. ταύτην ἔχουσιν) ἦγα- νάκτησαν καὶ πείθουσιν τὰ ἐν Συρίᾳ, ἔθνη. τῶν σατραπῶν “δεηθῆναι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὅνπερ ἐπὶ Κύρου πρότερον εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ Καμβύσου μετ᾽ seh ἐπισχεῖν τὴν τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευήν, καὶ σπουδά- Covow. περὶ αὐτὸν' τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἀναβολὴν. καὶ 89 τριβὴν πραγματεύσασθαι. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀναβάντων εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα Σισίνου τοῦ τῆς Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης ἐπάρχου καὶ Σαραβαζάνου᾽ μετὰ καί τινων ἑτέρων καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας. τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐρομένων τίνος αὐτοῖς συγχωρήσαντος οὕτως οἰκοδομοῦσιν τὸν “Ῥαόν, ὡς φρούριον. αὐτὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ ἱερόν, καὶ τί δήποτε τὰς στοὰς καὶ τὰ τείχη περιβεβλήκασι τῇ πόλει σφόδρα ὀχυρά, 90 Ζοροβάβηλος καὶ ὃ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιησοῦς δούλους μὲν 9 -- αὐτοὺς ἔφασαν εἶναι τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ, τὸν δὲ ναὸν τοῦτον αὐτῷ κατασκευασθέντα ὑπὸ βασιλέως αὐτῶν εὐδαίμονος καὶ πάντας ὑπερβάλλοντος ἀ ἀρετῇ πολὺν διαμεῖναι χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν πατέρων 1 αὐτὴν FLAVW. MO thie 2 Σαρωβαζάνου PF: Σαραβασάνου L: Σαροβαζάνου WE: Sarobazanes Lat. + Sebmenna eae ss! 2 Josephus, to preserve the chronological order of eveaithe \ here follows 1 Esdras as against Ezra, in passing over the references in the latter (iv. 6 ff.) to complaints made by the "| Jews’ adversaries to Xerxes (bibl. Ahasuerus) and Artaxerxes, which interrupt the narrative of events in Darius’s reign, resumed in Ezra vy. 3=1 Esdras vi. 3, ef. § 97 note d, , Both books, moreover, in the verses following those dealing with the Jews’ refusal of Samaritan help, state that the * people of the land ”’ interfered with the work of building the temple all the days of Cyrus until the reign of Darius (1 Esdras 356 a ον αν να ὦ ~ ayy Eee "Ὥς ἂν ἀφ΄. ᾿ς ee on | SO ES ἐ ἀνὰ Rg OO ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 88-91 (4) * On hearing this, the Chuthaeans—it is by this The Samari- name that the Samaritans are called—were indignant Yenouses. and persuaded the nations in Syria to request the the Jews satraps, in the same way as they had formerly done 72; Ezra iv. under Cyrus and again, after his reign, under * Cambyses, to stop the building of the temple and put hindrances and delays in the way of the Jews as they busied themselves about it. At the same time Sisinés,? the governor of Syria and Phoenicia,’ and Sarabazanés @ together with certain others went up to Jerusalem and asked the leaders of the Jews® who ἢ it was that had given them permission to build the temple in such a way that it was more like a fortress ὁ than a sanctuary, and why indeed they had built porticoes round the city, as well as very strong walls.’ Thereupon Zorobabélos and the igh priest Jésiis said 5 that they were servants of the Most High God and that this temple, which had been built for Him by one of their kings, a fortunate man who surpassed all others in virtue,” had stood for a long time. But, “‘they were prevented from building for two years until the reign of Darius ”’). > Bibl. Tatnai, cf. § 12 note c. © So 1 Esdras; Ezra “ beyond the river,” ef. § 25 note a. 4 Bibl. Shethar-boznai, cf. § 12 note d. _* The leaders here mentioned in 1 Esdras and Ezra are (beside Jeshua and Zerubbabel) the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, cf. ὃ 96. εὰ * The reference to “ porticoes ” and “ strong walls” is a detail invented by Josephus; in 1 Esdras the officials speak of “ this temple (lit. ‘“‘ house ’’) and this roof and all the other ings,” in Ezra of “ this temple . . . and this wall.” 9 In 1 Esdras and Ezra the following statements by Zerubbabel and Jeshua are introduced as quotations into the letter written to Darius by Tatnai and Shethar-boznai. * 1 Esdras “ a great and mighty king’; Ezra “a great king.” 357 JOSEPHUS > / > \ \ / ἀσεβησάντων εἰς τὸν θεὸν NaBovyodovdcopos ὁ Βαβυλωνίων καὶ Χαλδαίων βασιλεὺς ἑλὼν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος αὐτήν τε καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸν ναὸν συλήσας ἐνέπρησεν καὶ τὸν λαὸν μετῴκισεν 92 αἰχμάλωτον μεταγαγὼν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα, Κῦρος ὃ 3 > A “-“ Β λ ’ " Π (ὃ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τῆς Βαβυλωνίας καὶ Περσίδος βασι- λεὺς ἔγραψεν οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸν ναόν, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα μετήνεγκεν, ἐξ αὐτοῦ Ναβουχοδονόσορος ἀνα- θήματα καὶ σκεύη Ζοροβαβήλῳ παραδοὺς καὶ Μιθριδάτῃ τῷ γαζοφύλακι προσέταξε κομίσαι εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὸν ἴδιον ἀποκαταστῆσαι" 98 ναὸν οἰκοδομηθέντα. τοῦτο γὰρ ἐπέστειλεν ἐν , , , 3 , > , τάχει γενέσθαι, Σαναβάσαρον" κελεύσας ἀναβάντα εἰς ἹἹεροσόλυμα τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ. ναοῦ ποιή- σασθαι πρόνοιαν. ὃς μετὰ τὸ λαβεῖν τὰ παρὰ" Κύρου γράμματα παραγενόμενος εὐθὺς τοὺς θε- μελίους κατεβάλετο, καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου κατασκευαζόμενος μέχρι καὶ τοῦ δεῦρο διὰ τὴν 94 τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακοήθειάν ἐστὶν ἀτελής. “εἰ τοίνυν uA \ / ,ὔ ~ ,ὔ βούλεσθε καὶ δοκιμάζετε, γράψατε ταῦτα Δαρείῳ, ὅπως ἐπισκεψάμενος τὰ τῶν βασιλέων ὑπομνήματα εὕρῃ μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ὧν λέγομεν καταψευσαμένους.᾽᾽ 95 (5) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντων τοῦ τε Ζοροβαβήλου καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὁ Σισίνης καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν μὲν οἰκοδομίαν ἐπισχεῖν οὐ διέγνωσαν ἕως ἂν ταῦτα 1 μετήγαγεν Ῥ. 5 ἀποκατασταθῆναι PF. 3 Σαβάσηρον P: Σαβανάσαρον AEP marg.: ᾿Αβάσσαρον V (cf. supra ὃ 11): Σαβανάσσαρον ΝὟΥ : Sabassirum Lat. 4 τὰ mapa Naber: τὰ ὑπὸ LAW: παρὰ rell. @ Zerubbabel is mentioned here in 1 Esdras but not in Ezra, 358 i JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 91-95 because their fathers had acted impiously toward God, Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylonia and Chaldaea, had taken the city by force and destroyed it and, after despoiling the temple, had burned it and had taken the people captive to Babylon where he settled them. Then Cyrus, who was king of Baby- lonia and Persia after him, had written that the temple should be built, and had given over to Zoro- babélos * and his treasurer Mithridates ὃ all the dedi- catory offerings and vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had taken from it, commanding them to carry these to Jerusalem and put them back in the temple, where they belonged,® after it should have been built. This he had instructed them to have speedily done, and had ordered Sanabasaros ὦ to go up to Jerusalem and see to the building of the temple. On receiving this letter from Cyrus, he had, soon after his arrival, laid the foundations, but, though he had been con- structing it from that time on, it had not been com- pleted down to the present because of the malice of their enemies. “If, therefore, you so desire and see fit, write these things to Darius in order that he may examine the archives of the kings and find that we have not spoken falsely in anything which we have said.” ὁ (δ) When Zorobabélos and the high priest had The spoken to this effect, Sisinés and those with him Fimeeal and decided not to stop the building until they had Zech δ᾽ Neither book mentions Mithridates at this point, but ia ef. § 11 on 1 Esdras ii. 10=Ezra i. 8. © Lit. ‘* their own temple.” _¢, Bibl. Sheshbazzar, ef. § 11 note a. * According to 1 Esdras and Ezra it is the satraps, not the dee who ok that Darius have a search made for Cyrus’s ecree. 359 ariah. sdras vi. zrav.5 JOSEPHUS | πίδι δηλωθῇ Δαρείῳ, παραχρῆμα δ᾽ αὐτῷ περὶ agen 96 ἔγραψαν. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιουδαίων κατεπτη δεδιότων μὴ μεταδόξῃ᾽ τῷ βασιλεῖ ioe τῆς τῶν ἹἹεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευῆς, ὄντες κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον δύο προφῆται παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ᾿Αγγαῖος καὶ “Ζαχαρίας θαρρεῖν αὐτοὺς παρώρμων καὶ μηδὲν ἐκ τῶν Ilepody ὑφορᾶσθαι δύσκολον, ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ ταῦτα προλέγοντος αὐτοῖς. πιστεύοντες δὲ τοῖς προφήταις ἐ ἐντεταμένως εἴχογτο τῆς οἰκοδομίας, μηδεμίαν ἡμέραν ἀνιέμενοι.. 97 (6) Δαρεῖος δὲ τῶν Σαμαρειτῶν αὐτῷ ranabeion Kat κατηγορούντων διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς. τῶν Ἴου- δαίων ὡς τήν τε πόλιν ὀχυροῦσι καὶ τὸν ναὸν φρουρίῳ προσεοικότα μᾶλλον ἢ ἱερῷ κατασκευά- οὐσιν, λεγόντων δὲ μὴ συνοίσειν αὐτῷ τὰ γινό- μενα καὶ προσέτι τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιδεικνύντων τὰς Καμβύσου, δι᾿ ὧν ἐκώλυσεν ἐ ἐκεῖνος οἰκοδομεῖν 98 τὸν ναόν, μαθὼν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀσφαλῆ τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐτοῦ τὴν τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων. ἀποκατά- στασιν ἔσεσθαι, ἐ ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Σισίνου. καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ “κομισθέντα ἀνέγνω γράμματα, προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν. ζητη- 99 θῆναι τὰ περὶ τούτων. καὶ εὑ ρέθη ἐν ᾿Εκβατάνοις τῇ βάρει τῇ ἐν Μηδίᾳ βιβλίον ἐν ᾧ τάδε ἦν ἀν ἀνα- γεγραμμένα. “ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει 1 τῷ (τῷ om. W) βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ AW Lat. « Cf. ὃ 89 note ὁ. ὑ The Jews’ fear and anxiety are not inentionta in 1 Esdras or Ezra. ¢ According to 1 Esdras and Ezra, Haggai and Zechariah merely * ‘prophesied . . . in the name of the Lord God of Israel.” This detail about their encouraging the Jews is based on the contents of the bibl. books ascribed to them. 360 4 } JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 95-99 reported these things to Darius, but they at once wrote to him about them.* Now, as the Jews were trembling with fear that the king might change his mind about the building of Jerusalem and the temple,° Haggai and Zechariah, two prophets who were among them at that time, urged them to take courage and not be apprehensive of any untoward action by the Persians, for God, they said, foretold this to them.* And so, having faith in the prophets, they applied themselves vigorously to the building, without relax- ing for a single day. (6) But the Samaritans wrote to Darius and in their letter aecused the Jews of fortifying the city and constructing the temple so as to resemble a fortress rather than a sanctuary, and said that what was being done would not be to his advantage and, in addition, cited the letter of Cambyses in which he had forbidden them to build the temple. And so, when Darius heard from them that the restoration of Jeru- ὦ salem would not be safe for his government, and also read the letter that came from Sisinés and those with him, he commanded that a search be made in the royal archives concerning these matters. And there was found at Ecbatana,’ a fortress in Media, a document in which the following was written. “In the first year of his reign King Cyrus ordered the * No such letter from the Samaritans to Darius, referring to a decree of Cambyses, is mentioned in 1 Esdras or Ezra. Josephus here alludes to the letters written by Bishlam, Mithridath, Tabeel and others to Artaxerxes, Ezra iv. 7 ff.— a passage which (like 1 Esdras) he does not reproduce in detail because of the chronological difficulty involved in the 1 Esdras vi 1; Ezrav.1 Darius discovers Cyrus’s letter. 1 Esdras y. 23 ; Ezra vi, bibl. account, namely that Artaxerxes precedes Darius, ef. § 88 note a. ¢ So 1 Esdras; Ezra Achmetha (’Ahm*thd). It was the summer residence of the Persian kings. 361 JOSEPHUS Κῦρος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσε τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομηθῆναι A > « , ‘ A A=} 4 τὸν ev “Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον, ὕψος - “- - \ μὲν πηχῶν ἑξήκοντα εὖρος δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν, διὰ δόμων λιθίνων εὐξεστῶν' τριῶν καὶ ξυλίνου δόμου “- ᾽ 100 ἑνὸς ἐγχωρίου. καὶ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην ἐκ A A ͵ , , \2 \ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως γίνεσθαι διετάξατο, καὶ τὰ σκεύη, ἃ συλήσας. Ναβουχοδονόσορος εἰς Βαβυ- λῶνα ἐκόμισεν, ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς “Ἱεροσολυμίταις, Ἁ ee oy La , , “- 101 τὴν δὲ ἐπιμέλειαν τούτων εἶναι Σαναβασσάρου τοῦ ἐπάρχου καὶ τῆς Συρίας τε καὶ Φοινίκης ἡγεμόνος καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ, ὅπως αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀφέξονται" ~ / - A 4, “ a > ’ τοῦ τόπου, τοῖς δὲ δούλοις τοῦ θεοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίοις τε καὶ ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν ἐπιτρέψουσιν" οἰκοδομηθῆναι 102 τὸν ναόν. καὶ συλλαβέσθαι δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον - ~ > / διετάξατο, κἀκ τοῦ φόρου τῆς χώρας ἧς ἐπετρό- mevov τελεῖν τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις εἰς θυσίας λόγον Α ταύρους καὶ κριοὺς καὶ ἄρνας καὶ ἐρίφους καὶ / ‘ μὲ ‘ A - Ἅ σεμίδαλιν καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ olvov καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα ἂν οἱ ἱερεῖς ὑπαγορεύσωσιν, εὔχωνται δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς a ~ AY ar 103 σωτηρίας τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ Περσῶν. τοὺς δὲ παραβάντας τι τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων συλληφθέντας - A , ~ ἐκέλευσεν ἀνασταυρωθῆναι, καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῶν - - ‘ εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν καταταγῆναι κτῆσιν. καὶ KaT- 1 ed. pr.: βία τε ξεστῶν P: διά τε ξεστῶν FLAV: ἀξέστων W- 2 καὶ] προσέταξε δὲ καὶ LAV. 3 ἀφέξωνται FLA'VWE. 4 ἐπιτρέψωσιν P?L2AVWE. α Text slightly uncertain. “> ὃ Josephus apparently confuses Sanabassarés = bibl. Shesh- bazzar (cf. ὃ 11 note a) with Sarabazanes= bibl. Shethar- 362 eee RE ME OS JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 99-103 temple in Jerusalem to be built with its altar, to a height of sixty cubits and the same breadth, its walls to be made of three courses of well-polished? stone and one of wood of the country. And the costs of this he decreed should come out of the king’s treasury, and that the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had taken to Babylon should be given back to the people of Jerusalem, and that the supervision of these matters should be undertaken by Sanabassarés, the eparch and governor of Syria and Phoenicia,” and his companions, but that they themselves should keep away from the (sacred) place and should leave the building of the temple to the servants of God, the Jews and their leaders.° He also decreed that they should assist in the work and from the tribute of the territory which they governed should pay for the ex- penses of the Jews in sacrificing bullocks, rams, sheep and kids ὁ and fine flour, oil and wine 5 and whatever other things the priests might suggest, in order that _ they might pray for the well-being of the king and the Persians.’ But those who should transgress any of these commands he ordered to be seized and crucified and their possessions to be confiscated to the royal boznai (¢f. § 12 note d). Moreover it was Tatnai (Sisinés), and not Shethar-boznai, who was governor of Syria and Phoenicia according to 1 Esdras and Ezra, followed by Josephus in §§ 89, 104; ef. following note. * According to 1 Esdras and Ezra, Sisinés (bibl. Tatnai), the governor of Syria and Phoenicia (bibl. “‘ beyond the river *}, and Sathrabizanés (bibl. Shethar-boznai) and their companions are told to keep away from the temple, which is to be built under the direction of ‘* the governor of the Jews ” (1 Esdras “* Zorobabélos, eparch of Judaea ”’). 4 Ὁ Kids” are not mentioned in 1 Esdras and Ezra. * 1 Esdras and Ezra add “ salt.” 71 Esdras and Ezra “ for the king and his children.” 363 JOSEPHUS ᾿ ηὔξατο πρὸς τούτοις τῷ θεῷ, ὅπως εἴ τὶς. ἐπιχειρή- cele διακωλῦσαι τὴν οἰκοδομίαν. τοῦ ναοῦ, βαλὼν αὐτὸν ὁ θεὸς ἐ ἐπίσχῃ τῆς ἀδικίας." 104 (7) Ταῦθ᾽ εὑρὼν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν τοῖς Κύρου Δαρεῖος ἀντιγράφει. τῷ Σισίνῃ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ τάδε λέγων" ᾿" ‘ βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος, Σισίνῃ τῷ ἐπάρχῳ" καὶ Σαραβαζάνῃ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτῶν χαίρειν. τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ὑμῖν ἧς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν εὗρον τοῖς Κύρου ἀπέσταλκα καὶ βούλομαι γίνεσθαι πάντα καθὼς ἐ ἐν αὐτῇ περιέχει. 105 ἔρρωσθε. μαθόντες οὖν ἐκ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ὁ Σισίνης καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως προ- αίρεσιν, ταύτῃ τὰ λοιπὰ ἀκόλουθα ποιεῖν διέγνωσαν. ἐπεστάτουν οὖν τῶν ἱερῶν ἔργων συλλαμβανόμενοι τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ τῶν γερόντων 106 ἄρχουσιν. καὶ ἠνύετο κατὰ πολλὴν σπουδὴν ἡ κατασκευὴ τοῦ ναοῦ, προφητευόντων ᾿Αγγαίου καὶ Ζαχαρίου, κατὰ πρόσταγμα τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μετὰ βουλήσεως Κύρου re καὶ Δαρείου τῶν βασιλέων, ὠκοδομήθη δ᾽ ἐν ἔτεσιν ἕπτά. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐνάτου ῆς Δαρείου βασιλείας ἔτους εἰκάδι καὶ τρίτῃ μηνὸς 10 a 1 Hudson: ὑπάρχῃ L: ἱππάρχῃ rell. Lat. « This reference to confiscation is based on the interp tion in 1 Esdras of the Aram. phrase baythéh n*walit with be which Jewish commentators and A.V. render “ let be made a dunghill.” Confiscation is expressly mentioned in the similar decree of rein 9 om Ezra vii. 26. > Emended text; mss. “ hip ¢ In place of the letter Αἰδοῦς: "ρον! 1 Esdras and Ezra have “1, King Darius, have made a decree. Let it be done with diligence (A.V. “speed ’’).” aS | Esdras and Ezra add “and Artaxerxes, king of Persia.” Josephus, of course, omits this name because of the anachronism. 364 — - on JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 103-107 treasury.*. Furthermore he prayed to God that, if anyone should attempt to prevent the building of the temple, He should strike him down and restrain him from his wicked deed.” (7) Darius on finding these things in the archives Darius of Cyrus wrote an answer to Sisinés and his com- votondy 3 panions, which read as follows. “ King Darius to the sist the eparch” Sisinés and Sarabazanés and theircompanions, Cf. 1 Esdras greeting. I have sent to you a copy of the letter Yi 984; 2 which I found in the archives of Cyrus, and it is my will that everything should be done as is stated there- in. Farewell.” * And so, when Sisinés and those with him learned the king’s wishes from this letter, they decided to act accordingly. They therefore 1 Esdras an to superintend the sacred works and assisted }j. 13° the Jewish elders and the chiefs of the senate. And the construction of the temple was carried out with great zeal, while Haggai and Zechariah were prophets, in accordance with the command of God and with the consent of Kings Cyrus and Darius.‘ Thus it was built in seven years.’ Then, in the ninth’ year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-third?’ day ¢ This reckoning is based on the assumption that the statement in 1 Esdras v. 56 ff., “‘In the second year after his coming to the temple of God in Jerusalem, in the second month, n Zorobabélos ... and the Jews... and they laid the foundation,”’ etc. refers to the second year of Darius (so Luc. expressly states). Since, according to Josephus (in the following sentence), the temple was com- pleted in the 9th year of Darius, the building must have taken 7 years. 7 Variant 11th; 1 Esdras and Ezra 6th. In Ap. i. 154 Josephus writes, “‘ in the second year of the reign of Cyrus its foundations were laid, and, lastly, in the second year of the aye ᾿ Darius it was completed ”’ (ef. Dr. Thackeray’s note ad loe.). § So 1 Esdras; Ezra 3rd. 2ra 365 JOSEPHUS δωδεκάτου,᾽ ὃς καλεῖται παρὰ μὲν ἡμῖν ”Adap: παρὰ δὲ Maxeddow Δύστρος, προσφέρουσιν. θυσίας οἵ τε ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευῦται καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν πλῆθος ἀνανεωτικὰς τῶν πρότερον ἀγαθῶν μετὰ τὴν αἰχμαλωσίαν καὶ τοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνακαινισθὲν ἀπειληφέναι ταύρους ἑκατὸν κριοὺς διακοσίους ἄρνας τετρακοσίους χιμάρους δώδεκα κατὰ φυλήν (τοσαῦται yap εἰσιν αἱ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν aah, 108 ὑπὲρ ὧν ἥμαρτεν ἑκάστη. ἔστησάν τε κατὰ τοὺς 109 110 ωυσέος νόμους οἵ τε ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ Λευῖται θυρωροὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου πυλῶνος" φκοδομήκεσαν γὰρ οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τὰς ἐν κύκλῳ τοῦ ναοῦ στοὰς τοῦ ἔνδοθεν ἱεροῦ. (8 ) ᾿Ενστάσης δὲ τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς μην τῷ πρώτῳ, κατὰ pe Μακεδόνας Ξανθικῷ .λεγο- μένῳ κατὰ δὲ ἡμᾶς Νισάν, συνερρύη πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἐκ τῶν κωμῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ‘ ἤγαγον ἁγνεύοντες μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ, καὶ τὴν πάσχα προσαγορευομένην θυσίαν τῇ τετάρτῃ καὶ δεκάτῃ “Τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς ἐπιτελέσαντες κατευωχήθησαν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἑπτά, μηδεμιᾶς φειδόμενοι πολυτελείας, ἀλλὰ ᾿ καὶ τὰς ὁλοκαυτώσεις ἐπιφέροντες τῷ θεῷ καὶ χαριστη- ρίους θυσίας ἱερουργοῦντες ἀνθ᾽ ὧν αὐτοὺς" τὸ 1 ἑνδεκάτου PF(L)AV Lat. 2 + ποθοῦν PFL'V: + ποθοῦντας L*. 41 Esdras and Ezra omit the detail of Adar being the 12th month. >’ Roughly March in the Julian calendar, The equation of Adar with Dystros is made in Ant. iv. 327, xi. 286, xii. 412. ¢ The porters are mentioned in 1 Esdras ‘but not in Ezra. Neither book mentions porticoes. ¢ Both 1 Esdras and Ezra first mention the festival of 366 ——— το JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 107-110 of the twelfth month, which is called by us Adar? and by the Macedonians Dystros,’ the priests and Levites and the rest of the Israelite people brought sacrifices to celebrate the renewal of their former prosperity after their captivity and in token of having a sanctuary once more after it had been rebuilt, the sacrifices being a hundred bullocks, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs and twelve he-goats, one for each tribe—this is the number of Israelite tribes— to atone for the sins of each. And in accordance with the laws of Moses the priests and Levites set porters at each gateway, for the Jews had built porticoes round the temple within the sacred pre- cincts.® (8) When the festival of Unleavened Bread ὁ came round in the first month, which by the Macedonians is called Xanthikos and by us Nisan,‘ all the people streamed from their villages to the city and cele- brated the festival in a state of purity with their wives and children, according to the law of their fathers ; and, after offering the sacrifice called Pascha’ on the fourteenth of the same month, they feasted for seven days,’ sparing no expense but bringing the whole burnt-offerings to God and performing the sacrifices of thanksgiving because the Deity had Passover (which immediately precedes the festival of Un- leavened Bread). * Roughly April in the Julian calendar. The equation of Ἔνναν with Xanthikos is made in Ant. i. 81, ii. 311, iii. 201, 7 Cf. note d above. 5 The two festivals of Passover and Unleavened Bread psc mag observed for 8 days, Nisan 14-21 incl. In 1 and Ezra the 7-day celebration is referred to the festival of Unleavened Bread alone. Josephus is here writing carelessly, cf. Ant. x. 70 note. The cele- bration of Passover. 1 Esdras vii 14; Ezra vi 22. 367 ᾿ JOSEPHUS θεῖον πάλιν εἰς τὴν πάτριον γῆν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ νόμους ἤγαγε καὶ τὴν τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως 111 διάνοιαν εὐμενῆ κατέστησεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ oi “μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιδαψιλευόμενοι ταῖς θυσίαις καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμίᾳ κατῴκησαν ἐν τοῖς Ἵερο- σολύμοις, πολιτείᾳ χρώμενοι ἀριστοκρατικῇ μετ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίας" οἱ γὰρ ἀρχιερεῖς προεστήκεσαν τῶν πραγμάτων ἄχρις οὗ τοὺς ᾿Ασαμωναίου συνέβη 112 βασιλεύειν ἐκγόνους. πρὸ μὲν γὰρ τῆς αἰχμα- λωσίας καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐβασιλεύοντο, ἀπὸ Σαούλου πρῶτον ἀρξάμενοι' καὶ Δαυίδου ἐπὶ ἔτη πεντακόσια τριάκοντα δύο μῆνας & ἡ ἡμέρας δέκα" πρὸ δὲ τῶν βασιλέων τούτων ἄρχοντες αὐτοὺς διεῖπον οἱ προσαγορευόμενοι κριταὶ καὶ μόναρχοι, καὶ τοῦτον πολιτευόμενοι τὸν τρόπον ἔτεσιν πλέον ἢ πεντακοσίοις διήγαγον μετὰ Μωυσῆν ἀποθανόντα 113 καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦν τὸν στρατηγόν. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῶν ἀνασωθέντων ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας. ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐν τοῖς Κύρου καὶ Δαρείου χρόνοις ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρ χεν. 114 (9) Οἱ δὲ Σαμαρεῖς" ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ βασκάνως διακείμενοι πολλὰ κακὰ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους 1 ἀρξαμένου PWE Lat. (vid.). 2 εἴκοσι Ernesti, cf. x. 143. 3 Σαμαρεῖται A (et infra, 117, Σαμαρειτῶν pro Σαμαρέων hab.). 41 Esdras and Ezra “ king of Assyria.”” The medieval Jewish commentators, like Josephus, assume that the king of Persia is meant. » Cf. Ant. x. 143 where the figure 514 years, 6 months, 10 days is given for the interval between David and the end of the kingdom of Judah. If we add 20 years for Saul’s reign (cf. note ad loc.) we get 534 years, 6 months, 10 days. 368 — a Ge eee a 6. MF ay arr τ ΝΘ, ἌΝ a nn JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 110-114 brought them back to the land of their fathers and to its laws, and had disposed the mind of the Persian king ὁ favourably to them. And so, with lavishness of sacrifice in return for these favours and with mag- nificence in their worship of God, they dwelt in Jerusalem under a form of government that was aristocratic and at the same time oligarchic. Forthe ) 4 _ high priests were at the head of affairs until the | deeenlats of the Asamonaean family came to rule as kings. Before the captivity and deportation they were ruled by kings, beginning first with Saul and David, for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months and ten days®; and before these kings the rulers who governed them were the men called judges and monarchs, and under this form of government they lived for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses and the commander Joshua.*. Such, then, was the condition of the Jews who had been delivered from captivity in the time of Cyrus and Darius. (9) ¢But the Samarians, who regarded them with The Jews feelings of hostility and envy, inflicted many injuries ΡΟΣ Ὁ fen ΨΘΑΙ͂ΝΟ ἐὺ οὐξατεῦ 8 expiansiion fps Sy — 2 years except the o ous ones of a scribal error or care + sae aie on Prec oe part. Enrnesti’s correction of 32 to 22 >) ‘pancy greater. — τ ἐν For earlier reckonings of the interval between the Exodus and the beginning of the kingdom cf. Ant. x. 147 note. 4 Almost the whole of the following section, ξ8 114-119, isan addition to 1 Esdras and Ezra in which (1 Esdras viii. 1 = Ezra vii. 1) the account of the festival celebration is followed by that of Ezra’s appearance in the reign of Artaxerxes (¢/. §$ 120 ff.). The interpolated section is modelledin partonthe ἡ account in 1 Esdras vi. 27 ff., which Josephus has already reproduced in 88 100 ff. He takes κὰν voor delight i in describing the various rebuffs suffered by the Samaritans, 369 Ω JOSEPHUS εἰργάσαντο, πλούτῳ τε πεποιθότες Kal συγγένειαν προσποιούμενοι τὴν Περσῶν, ἐπειδήπερ ἐκεῖθεν ἦσαν. ὅσα τε γὰρ ἐκελεύσθησαν ἐκ τῶν φόρων ec \ ~ / > \ ,ὔ a ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὰς θυσίας τελεῖν τοῖς > 7 ,ὔ > »Μ ᾿ < 6p » ἡ 1 Ἰουδαίοις, παρέχειν οὐκ ἤθελον, τούς τε ἐπάρχους σπουδάζοντας αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ συνεργοῦντας εἶχον, ἄλλα τε ὅσα βλάπτειν ἢ ἢ δι᾿ ἑαυτῶν ἢ δι ἑτέρων ἠδύναντο τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους οὐκ ἀπώκνουν. ἔδοξεν οὖν πρεσβευσαμένοις τοῖς “Ἱεροσολυμέταις πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Δαρεῖον κατηγορῆσαι τῶν Σαμαρειτῶν, καὶ πρεσβεύουσι. Ζομυβήβηλος, καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν. ἀρχόντων τέσσαρες." ὡς δὲ τὰ ἐγκλή- ματα καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἃς κατὰ τῶν Σαμαρέων > / ” A ~ /, ε 4 ἐπέφερον “ἔγνω παρὰ τῶν πρέσβεων ὁ βασιλεύς, δοὺς αὐτοῖς κομίζειν ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἐ ‘ous τῆς Σαμαρείας καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἀπέπεμψεν. τὰ δὲ γεγραμμένα ἦν τοιάδε- “᾿“ βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος Ταγανᾷ καὶ Lap Basa τοῖς ἐπάρχοις Σαμαρειτῶν καὶ" Σαδράκῃ καὶ Βουήδωνι᾽ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς συν- δούλοις" αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ. ZopoBaByros καὶ ᾿Ανανίας καὶ “Μαρδοχαῖος ᾿Ιουδαίων πρεσβευταὶ ἠτιῶντο ὑμᾶς. ὡς ἐνοχλοῦντας αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ μὴ χορηγοῦντας ἃ προσ- 1 Hudson: inmdp ‘pxas (-ovs F) codd. Lat., sic et in seqq.: ὑπάρχους Gutschmi 2 δύο Gutschmid. ϑ ἐ Σαββᾷ F: Σαβαᾷ LA: Σαβᾷ V: Sambalae Lat. 4 Σαμαρειτῶν καὶ conj.: καὶ Lapa ἐπηϑ τς codd. Lat. 5 Βουήλωνι F: Βουτήλωνι LA Βοήλωνι V: Βοβήλωνι ed. pr.: Veloni Lat. 4 qopBovhacs haud recte conj. Naber. « Emended text; mss. “* hipparchs,” cf. § 104 note. » Perhaps a corruption of Tarravai= bibl. Tatnai. 370 Vs JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 114-118 on the Jews, for they relied on their wealth and pre- tended to be related to the Persians, since they had come from their country. And the sums which they had been ordered by the king to pay to the Jews out of their tribute for the sacrifices, they refused to furnish, and had the eparchs* zealously aiding them in pede whatever else they. could do to injure the Jews either by themselves or through others, they did not hesitate to try. The people of Jerusalem therefore resolved to send an embassy to King Darius to accuse the Samaritans ; the en- voys were Zorobabélos and four other leaders. When the king learned from these envoys the complaints and charges which they brought against the Samar- ians, he gave them a letter and sent them off to bring it to the eparchs of Syria and the council. It was written as/follows. “‘ King Darius to Taganas? ‘f Psi and Sambabas,° the eparchs 0 the Samaritans, and vi. 6.’ Sadrakés and Baédon“ and the rest of their fellow- servants* in Samaria. Zorobabélos, Ananias and Mardochaios, the envoys of the Jews, have charged you with hampering them in building the temple and with failing to provide them with the sums which I ᾿ οι Variants Sambas, Sab(b)as, Sambalas, etc.; these forms | aphess # to be corruptions of Σαναβαλλέτες (or the like) = bibl. Sanballat, a Samaritan name familiar from the book of y _ Nehemiah and Jewish or Samaritan tradition, cf. §§ 302 ff. ἃ Variants Baélon, Batélon, etc.; the names Sadrakés and Biéddn seem to be @ corrupt division of Σαθραβουζάνης ᾿ p= hard ᾿ ᾿ "s pelts: wed re συμβούλοις * counsellors * is ly needed: σύνδουλοι is used of the Samaritan leaders in txx _ 2 Esdras vi. 13. 1 These two names (=bibl. Hananiah and Mordecai) are given in Scripture (Ezra ii. 2, Neh. vii. 2) as those of leaders associated with Zerubbabel and Nehemiah. 371 Fane etm JOSEPHUS Δὲ / ς κα > \ / a > cal > 7, ἔταξα ὑμῖν εἰς τὰς θυσίας τελεῖν αὐτοῖς ἀναλώματα. 119 βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς ἀναγνόντας τὴν ἐπιστολὴν 120 12] χορηγεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γαζοφυλακείου τῶν φόρων τῆς Σαμαρείας πάνθ᾽ ὅσα πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς χρήσιμα, καθὼς οἱ ἱερεῖς ἀξιοῦσιν, ἵ ἵνα μὴ διαλείπωσι καθ᾽ ἡμέραν θύοντες μηδ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ καὶ Περσῶν εὐχόμενοι τῷ θεῷ." καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπιστολὴ ταῦτα περιεῖχεν. (v. 1) Δαρείου, δὲ τελευτήσαντος παραλαβὼν τὴν ασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Ξέρξης ἐκληρονόμησεν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειάν τε καὶ τιμήν: ἅπαντα γὰρ ἀκολούθως τῷ πατρὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν θρησκείαν ἐποίησε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς *lovdaious ἔσχε φιλοτιμότατα. κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν Καιρὸν ἀρχιερεὺς ἦν Ἰησοῦ παῖς ᾿Ιωάκειμος᾽ ὄνομα. ὑπῆρχε δὲ καὶ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι. δίκαιος a ἀνὴρ καὶ δόξης ἀπολαύων ἀγαθῆς παρὰ τῷ πλήθει πρῶτος ἱερεὺς τοῦ λαοῦ" καλούμενος Ἔσδρας, ὃς τῶν Μωυσέος νόμων ἱκανῶς ἔμπειρος ὧν γίνεται. φίλος τῷ 122 βασιλεῖ Ξέρξῃ. γνοὺς δὲ ἀναβῆναι εἰς τὰ Ἵερο- σόλυμα καὶ ἐπαγαγέσθαι τινὰς τῶν ἐν Βαβυλῶνι τυγχανόντων ᾿Ιουδαίων παρεκάλεσε τὸν βασιλέα δοῦναι αὐτῷ “πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας. τῆς. Συρίας ἐπιστολὴν ἀφ᾽" ἧς αὐτοῖς γνωρισθήσεται τίς εἴη. 123 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς γράφει πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας ἐπιστολὴν τοιάνδε" ἡ ᾿ βασιλεὺς βασιλέων Ξέρξης "Ἔσδρᾳ é ἱερεῖ καὶ ἀναγνώστῃ τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμων" χαίρειν. τῆς 2 , θεοῦ iP. 2 Ἔϊζδρας P: “ELpas E. ὑφ᾽ LWE: per . Lat. 4 τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμων P: τοῦ θείου (θεοῦ) νόμου rell.: legis dei Lat. « Here again Josephus corrects the chronological order of Scripture, in which Artaxerxes follows Darius. 372 ay JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 118-123 commanded you to pay them for the expenses of the sacrifices. It is my will, therefore, that, when you baveitend read this letter, you shall furnish them out of e treasury, from the tribute of Samaria, peti dd which they may need for the sacrifices as the priests request, in order that they may not leave off their daily sacrifices or their prayers to God on behalf of me and the Persians.”” These were the contents of the letter. (v. 1) When Darius died, his son Xerxes,? who took Xerxes over the royal power, inherited also his piety toward ΟΡ .. 2.) God and his way of honouring Him. For he followed and Ezra. his father in all the things which he had:done for His {iit Bera service; and he held the Jews in the highest esteem. τ: 1. Now the high priest at that time was named Joa- keimos, the son of Jésiis.2X, And there was also in Ba- bylon a righteous man who enjoyed the good opinion of the masses,‘ called Ezra? ; he was the chief priest ° of the people’ and, being very learned in the laws of of Moats. became friendly with King Xerxes. Now, % decided to go up to Jerusalem and take with re some of the Jews who were then living in Babylon, he requested the king to give him a letter to the satraps of Syria, which would inform them who he was. The king, therefore, wrote the following letter Xerxes to the satraps. ‘‘ Xerxes, king of kings, to Ezra, the eaccine priest and reader of the laws of God, greeting. As I return to - Jerusalem. > Cf. Neh. xii. 10, “ἢ and Jeshua (Gr. Jésiis) begat Joiakim 1 Esdras (Gr. Joakeimos).” a ape ~ « Unscriptural detail. 4 Gr. Esdras, as in many txx ass. (cod. A “Efpas, cod. B “Ecpas); variant (in Jos.) Ezdras as in Luc. * In 1 Esdras and Ezra, in the passage introducing Ezra, it is not he but his remote ancestor Aaron who is called chief priest. In 1 Esdras ix. 40, however, Ezra is called high priest. 7 Variant “ of God.” VOL. VI N 818 JOSEPHUS ἐμαυτοῦ φιλανθρωπίας ἔργον εἶναι νομίσας τὸ τοὺς βουλομένους ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνους καὶ Λευιτῶν" ὄντων ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ βασιλείᾳ συναπαίρειν ‘eis τὰ 124 ἹἹεροσόλυμα, τοῦτο προσέταξα, καὶ ὁ βουλόμενος ἀπίτω, καθάπερ ἔδοξε κἀμοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἑπτά μου συμβούλοις, ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ιουδαίαν ἐπι- σκέψωνται τῷ νόμῳ τοῦ θεοῦ ἀκολούθως καὶ ἀπ- ενέγκωσι δῶρα τῷ ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν θεῷ, ἅ ἅπερ ηὐξάμην 125 ἐγώ τε καὶ οἱ φίλοι. καὶ ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσίον ὅσον ἂν “εὑρεθῇ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων ὠνομασμένον τῷ θεῷ τοῦτο πᾶν. εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα κομισθῆναι τῷ θεῷ εἰς τὰς θυσίας, πάντα τε ὅσα βούλει ἐξ ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ κατασκευάσαι, 126 ποιεῖν ἐξέστω σοι μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν. καὶ τὰ δεδομένα σοι ἱερὰ σκεύη ἀναθήσεις καὶ ὅσων ἂν ἐπίνοιαν λάβῃς καὶ ταῦτα προσεξεργάσῃ, τὴν εἰς αὐτὰ δαπάνην ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ ποιούμενος γαζο- 127 φυλακείου. ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ τοῖς γαζοφύλαξιν͵ τῆς Συρίας καὶ τῆς Φοινίκης, ἵνα τῶν ὑπὸ Ἔσδρα τοῦ ἱερέως καὶ ἀναγνώστου τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμων ἐπισταλέντων ἐπιμεληθῶσιν. ὅπως δὲ μηδεμίαν ὀργὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐμὲ λάβῃ τὸ θεῖον ἢ τοὺς ἐμοὺς ἐκγόνους, πάντ᾽ ἀξιῶ καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πυροῦ κόρων ἑκατὸν 128 ἐπιτελεῖσθαι τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν νόμον. καὶ ὑμῖν δὲ λέγω ὅπως τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν καὶ Λευίταις καὶ ἱερο- ψάλταις καὶ θυρωροῖς καὶ ἱεροδούλοις καὶ γραμ- ματεῦσι τοῦ ἱεροῦ μήτε φόρους ἐπιτάξητε μήτ᾽ ἄλλο μηδὲν ἐπίβουλον ἢ φορτικὸν εἰς αὐτοὺς 129 γένηται. καὶ σὺ δέ, "Εσδρα, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ 1 καὶ é ἱερέων καὶ Λευιτῶν Hudson. 2 ἀνενέγκωσι Niese. @ 4,e. the Jews. 3874 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 123-129 consider it a part of my friendliness to mankind to allow those of the Jewish nation and the Levites in our kingdom who may so desire to go up with you to Jerusalem, I have given the command for this, and whosoever desires may depart; for it has seemed ood both to me and my seven counsellors that they 4 should look after matters in Judaea in accordance with the law of God, and bring to the God of the Israelites the gifts which I and my friends have vowed to send. And all the gold and silver dedi- eated to God which may be found in the country of the Babylonians shall be taken to Jerusalem for the sacrifices to God, and whatever vessels you may wish to fashion out of the gold and silver, it shall be permitted you and your brothers to make. And you shall dedicate the sacred vessels which have been given you, and may, in addition, make as many as you haye a mind to make, taking the expenses for these out of the royal treasury. I have also written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia that they shall see to it that the orders of Ezra, the priest and reader of the laws of God, are carried out. And in order that the Deity may not conceive any anger against me or my descendants, I grant that all things up to a hundred kors® of wheat® shall be offered to God in accordance with the law. And to you I say that on the priests, Levites, temple-musicians, porters, temple-servants and scribes of the sanctuary you shall impose no tribute, nor shall any other thing be done which is designed to hurt them or be a burden to them. And as for you, Ezra, you shall in > The kor equalled about 370 litres or 11 bushels. © 1 Esdras and Ezra also mention 100 talents of silver and quantities of wine, oil and salt. 375 JOSEPHUS 4 , 3 / 4 ΄ 4 > σοφίαν ἀπόδειξον κριτάς, «ὅπως δικάσωσιν ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ. πάσῃ," τοὺς ἐπισταμένους" σου τὸν νόμον, καὶ τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν δὲ παρέξεις. αὐτὸν 130 μαθεῖν, ἵν᾽ ἄν τις τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν σου παραβαίνῃ τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμον 7 τὸν βασιλικόν, ὑπόσχῃ τιμωρίαν ε ’ > ἙΝ » 1 , Sa Noe roe, ὡς οὐ κατ᾽ ἄγνοιαν αὐτὸν παραβαίνων, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπιστάμενος μὲν τολμηρῶς δὲ παρακούων καὶ καταφρονῶν. κολασθήσονται δ᾽ ἤτοι θανάτῳ ἢ ζημίᾳ χρηματικῇ. ἔρρωσο." 1381 (9) ) Λαβὼν. δὲ "Εσδρας ταύτην τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ὑπερήσθη καὶ τῷ θεῷ προσκυνεῖν ἤρξατο, τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτὸν χρηστότητος ἐκεῖνον αἴτιον ὁμολογῶν γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὴν πᾶσαν αὐτῷ" χάριν ἔλεγεν εἰδέναι. ἀναγνοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τοῖς αὐτόθι παροῦσιν ᾿Ιου- δαίοις αὐτὴν μὲν κατέσχεν, τὸ δ᾽ ἀντίγραφον. αὐτῆς 132 πρὸς ἅπαντας ἔπεμψε τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Μηδίαν ὄντας. μαθόντες δὲ οὗτοι τὰ παρὰ" τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν "Eodpay εὔνοιαν ἅπαντες μὲν ὑπερ- ηγάπησαν, πολλοὶ δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἀνα- 133 λαβόντες ἦλθον εἰς Βαβυλῶνα ποθοῦντες τὴν εἰς τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα κάθοδον" ὁ δὲ πᾶς λαὸς τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν κατὰ χώραν ἔμεινεν" διὸ καὶ δύο φυλὰς εἶναι συμβέβηκεν ἐ ἐπί τε τῆς ᾿Ασίας καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης Ρωμαίοις ὑπακουούσας," αἱ δὲ δέκα φυλαὶ πέραν εἰσὶν Eidpdrov ἕως δεῦρο, μυριάδες 1 πάσῃ καὶ FLAY. 2 τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις PFLAV. 3 αὐτοῦ P. 4 εἶναι P1FL, 376 I> JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 129-133 accordance with your God-given wisdom appoint as judges to hold on in all of Syria and Phoenicia men who know the law, and to those ignorant of it you shall give an opportunity to learn it, in order that if any of your countrymen transgresses the law of God or the king, he may suffer punishment as one who transgresses it not through ignorance but as one who, in spite of knowing it, boldly disobeys and shows sbisbentiie for it. Such men shall be punished either with death or with the payment of a fine.t Fare- well.” (2) When Ezra received this letter, he was over- Ezra joyed and began to do obeisance to God whom he forms the acknowledged to have been the cause of the king’s Xerxes’ kindness to him, for which reason, he said, he ren- {%<"°*., dered Him all his thanks. Then he read the letter viii 25; . in Babylon to the Jews who were there, and, while he — kept the letter itself, sent a copy of it to his country- men who were in Media. When they learned of the king’s orders and of his piety toward God as well as his goodwill toward Ezra, they were all greatly pleased, and many of them, taking along their possessions also, came to Babylon out of longing to return to Jerusalem. But the Israelite nation as a whole remained in the country. In this way has it come about that there are two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Romans, while until now there have been ten tribes beyond the Euphrates—count- @ | Esdras and Ezra add banishment and imprisonment to the ΘΟΝΡΟΟΝ threatened. 5 τὰ παρὰ FL: τὴν παρὰ P: om. AV; 5 τὴν... κάθοδον] τῆς. . καθόδου P!FWAL 7 ὑπηκόους LAWE. 377 Ψ / / ᾽ “-“ / A 135 δυσκόλου προσπεσόντος αὐτοῖς: φθάσας yap ὁ "Εσδρας εἰπεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ. ὅτι διασώσει αὐτοὺς ὁ JOSEPHUS ἄπειροι καὶ ἀριθμῷ γνωσθῆναι" μὴ δυνάμεναι. 134 πρὸς δὲ "Εσδραν ἀφικνοῦνται ἱερέων. καὶ Λευιτῶν καὶ θυρωρῶν καὶ ἱεροψαλτῶν καὶ ἱεροδούλων πολλοὶ τὸν ἀριθμόν. συναγαγὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας εἰς τὸ πέραν τοῦ Εὐφράτου καὶ τρεῖς ἐπιδιατρίψας ἐκεῖ ἡμέρας, νηστείαν αὐτοῖς παρ- ἤγγειλεν ὅ ὅπως εὐχὰς ποιήσονται τῷ θεῷ περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν \ παθεῖν a QTO7TOV ἢ προς τῶν πολεμίων ἢ τινος ἄλλου ε θεός, οὐ κατηξίωσεν ἱππεῖς αὐτὸν αἰτῆσαι τοὺς προπέμψοντας. ποιησάμενοι δὲ τὰς εὐχάς, ἄραντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Εὐφράτου δωδεκάτῃ τοῦ πρώτου μηνὸς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους τῆς Ξέρξου βασιλείας πὰρ- ἐγένοντο εἰς ἹἹεροσόλυμα μηνὶ πέμπτῳ τοῦ αὐτοῦ" ἔτους. καὶ παραχρῆμα τοῖς γαζοφύλαξιν ὁ [ Ἔσδρας οὖσιν ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ἱερέων γένους παρέστησε τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα, ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἑξακόσια πεντή- κοντα, σκεύη apyupa ταλάντων ἑκατόν, καὶ χρύσεα σκεύη ταλάντων εἴκοσι, καὶ χαλκᾶ σκεύη χρυσοῦ κρείττονα σταθμὸν ἔ ἔχοντα" ταλάντων δώ- εκα: ταῦτα γὰρ ἐδωρήσατο ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ 1 γνωρισθῆναι A. 2 ἑβδόμου P. 3 ἕλκοντα AWE. τα The foregoing details about the public reading of the king’s letter and the sending of it to Media, as well as the ) statement about the number of those remaining in Baby- lonia, are additions to 1 Esdras and Ezra, For the later L history of the Babylonian Jews see Ant. xviii. 310 ff. i | Esdras, “τὸ the river called Theras (Luc. Eeia),’’ Ezra “το the river that comes to Ahava (Ah%wa).” It has been conjectured by Lupton (cited by S. A. Cook in R. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha ete. i. 50 note) that πέραν in 378 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 133-136 less myriads whose number cannot be ascertained.* And so there came to Ezra a great number of priests, Levites, porters, temple-musicians and temple- servants. And he assembled those from the cap- tivity in the country beyond the Euphrates,? where he tarried for three days and proclaimed a fast for them in order to offer prayers to God for their safety and that they might not suffer any harm on the way either from their enemies or from any other mis- chance that should befall them. For, as Ezra had already told the king that God would preserve them, he did not think it proper to ask him for horsemen to escort them.* And so, when they had offered up prayers, they set out from the Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month in? the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes and arrived at Jerusalem in the fifth month of the same year.* Thereupon Ezra. immediately turned over to the treasurers who were of priestly descent the sacred property consisting of six hundred and fifty talents of silver, silver vessels weighing one hundred talents, gold vessels weighing twenty/ talents and vessels of bronze more precious than gold, weighing twelve talents.? These were the gifts presented by the king and his counsellors Jose png is a corruption of Θέραν in 1 Esdras, but this is unlikely. * The preceding is an abridgement of the account of the pp στε given in 1 Esdras and Ezra. oO: ? * The dating of the arrival in Xerxes’ 7th year, in the 5th month, is based on an earlier passage, 1 ras Vili. 6= Ezra vii. 8. ; 71 Esdras and Ezra 100. 51 Esdras and Ezra “ twelve (Ezra “‘ two”) bronze vessels of fine bronze, gleaming like gold.” Josephus omits the 20 gold bowls mentioned in both books. 379 The Jews set out for Jerusalem, 1 Esdras viii. 61; Ezra viii. 31. JOSEPHUS of σύμβουλοι αὐτοῦ Kal πάντες οἱ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι 137 μένοντες ᾿Ισραηλῖται. παραδοὺς δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὁ *Kodpas ἀπέδωκε τῷ θεῷ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ὁλοκαυτώσέων νενομισμένας γίνεσθαι θυσίας, ταύ- ρους δώδεκα ὑπὲρ κοινῆς τοῦ λαοῦ σωτηρίας, κριοὺς ἐνενήκοντα, ἄρνας ἑβδομήκοντα δύο, ἐρίφους 138 εἰς παραίτησιν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων δώδεκα. τοῖς δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως οἰκονόμοις καὶ τοῖς ἐπάρχοις τῆς κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης. τὰ γράμματα. τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπέδωκεν. οἱ δὲ τὸ προσταχθὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ποιεῖν ἀνάγκην ἔχοντες ἐτίμησάν τε τὸ ἔθνος καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν αὐτῷ χρείαν συνήργησαν. 139 (8) Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβουλεύσατο Ἔσδρας, προεχώρησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ κρίναντος αὐτὸν ἄξιον, οἶμαι, τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν βουληθέντων διὰ 140 χρηστότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον προσελθόντων αὐτῷ τινων καὶ κατηγορούντων ὥς τινες τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ Λευιτῶν παραβεβήκασι τὴν πολιτείαν. καὶ λελύκασι τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀλλοεθνεῖς ἠγμένοι γυναῖκας καὶ 141 τὸ ἱερατικὸν γένος συγκεχύκασιν, δεομένων Te βοηθῆσαι τοῖς νόμοις, μὴ κοινὴν ἐπὶ πάντας ὀργὴ λαβὼν" πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰς συμφορὰς ἐμβάλῃ, δι- ἐρρηξε μὲν εὐθὺς ὑπὸ λύπης τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐσπάρασσε τὰ γένεια ὑβρίζων καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἑαυτὸν ἔρριψεν ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν αἰτίαν ταύτην 142 λαβεῖν τοὺς πρώτους τοῦ λαοῦ. λογιζόμενος δὲ ὅτι ἐὰν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν προστάξῃ τέκνα, οὐκ ἀκουσθήσεται, δι- 1 δὲ FLVW. 3 λαβὼν ὁ θεὸς Hudson. 41 Esdras and Ezra 96. > So 1 Esdras (most mss.) ; Ezra 77. ἐ (ἡ 380 a στο υμκρβευ —————————— ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 136-142 and. all the Israelites remaining in Babylon. And when he had given these over to the priests, Ezra rendered to God the sacrifices of whole burnt- offerings customarily made, twelve bullocks on behalf of the well-being of the whole people, ninety * rams, seventy-two? lambs, and twelve kids as an atonement for sins.° And to the stewards of the king and the eparchs of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia he delivered the letter of the king. Whereupon, being compelled to | carry out his commands, they honoured the Jewish nation and assisted it in all necessary ways. J (3) These things, then, were what Ezra himself Ezra learns had planned, but that they turned out well for him rain faa was, I think, due to God, who judged him worthy Jessen. of obtaining his desires because of his goodness and righteousness. . But some time afterwards there 1 Esdras came to him certain men who accused some of the Ezra ix 1. common people as well as Levites and priests of haying violated the constitution and broken the laws “ἢ of the country by marrying foreign wives and mixing _ the strain of priestly families, and they besought him to come to the aid of the laws lest God conceive anger at all of them alike and again bring misfortune ἡ upon them.* No sooner did he hear this than he _/ rent his clothes for grief, tore the hair from his head, disordered his beard and threw himself upon the ground because the chief men among the people were guilty of this charge: And as he reasoned that, if he commanded them to put away their wives and the children born to them, he would not be listened * So Ezra; 1 Esdras “twelve goats for a peace-offering ” yee σωτηρίου ; σωτήριον in txx=Heb. selem “peace- ν' ο v πον ρει lant isiecheieliawlded by Josephus. Oe 381 JOSEPHUS 4 έμενεν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κείμενος. συνέτρεχον οὖν' πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ μέτριοι πάντες, κλαίοντες καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ γεγενημένῳ. λύπης συμμεταλαμβάνοντες. 143 ἀναστὰς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ὁ "Εσδρας καὶ τὰς etpas ἀνατείνας εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, αἰσχύνεσθαι μὲν ἔλεγεν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναβλέψαι διὰ τὰ ἡμαρτημένα τῷ λαῷ, ὃς τῆς μνήμης ἐξέβαλε τὰ τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν διὰ 144 τὴν ἀσέβειαν αὐτῶν συμπεσόντα, παρεκάλει δὲ τὸν θεὸν σπέρμα τι καὶ λείψανον ἐκ τῆς τότε συμφορᾶς αὐτῶν καὶ αἰχμαλωσίας περισώσαντα καὶ πάλιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τὴν οἰκείαν γῆν ἀποκατα- στήσαντα καὶ τοὺς Περσῶν βασιλέας ἀναγκάσαντα" λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτῶν, συγγνωμονῆσαι καὶ τοῖς νῦν ἡμαρτημένοις, ἄξια μὲν θανάτου πεποιηκόσιν, ὃν € ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ χρηστότητι καὶ τοὺς τοιούτους" ἀφεῖναι τῆς κολάσεως. 145 (4) Καὶ ὁ ὁ μὲν ἐπαύσατο τῶν εὐχῶν" θρηνούντων δὲ πάντων ὅσοι πρὸς αὐτὸν σὺν “γυναιξὶν Kal τέκνοις συνῆλθον, ᾿Αχόνιός" τις ὀνόματι. πρῶτος τῶν “ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν προσελθὼν αὐτοὺς μὲν. ἅμαρ- τεῖν ἔλεγεν ἀλλοεθνεῖς ἐνοικισαμένους γυναῖκας, ἔπειθε δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξορκίσαι πάντας ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτὰς καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν γεγενημένα, κολασθήσεσθαι δὲ 146 τοὺς οὐχ ὑπακούσαντας τῷ νόμῳ. πεισθεὶς οὖν 1 δὲ AWE Exe. 2 καὶ τοὺς... ἀναγκάσαντα om. PFV. 3 συγγνωμονῆσαι καὶ Bekker: καὶ συγγνωμ. ΒΑ LNWa συγγνωμ. Α Lat. Exe. ι 4 rods τοιούτους Exc. Lat.: τούτους codd. 5 ῬΑχώνιος PVE: Achanonius Lat. 8 γεγεννημένα L7AVWE. * This added detail is perhaps due to a misunderstanding of 1 Esdras viii. 90=Ezra ix. 15 (Heb. 16) in which Ezra 382 SS a δον ἥδ, τα. «μι». JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 142-146 to, he remained lying on the ground.* ‘And so there ran to him all the honest citizens who were them- selves also weeping and sharing his grief over what had happened. Then Ezra arose from the ground and, stretching his hands toward heaven, said that, although he was ashamed to look up at it because of the sins committed by the people, who had put out of their minds all the things that had befallen our fathers because of their impiety, yet he besought God, who had preserved a seed and remnant out of their recent misfortune and captivity and had once more restored them to Jerusalem and their own country and had compelled the kings of Persia to take pity on them,? to forgive also the sins which they had now committed, for though they had done things deserving of death, it was in keeping with the kindness of God to exempt even such sinners from punishment. (4) With this he ceased praying, whereupon, amid Ezra per- the lamentations of all those who had gathered to oe agg him with their wives and children, a man named oo Achonios,° the head of the people of Jerusalem,? wives. sg came up to him and said that they had sinned by },f°4;"° taking foreign women as wives, but he tried to per- Ezra χ. 1. suade Ezra to adjure them all to put them away with the children born of them and to have those men punished who would not obey the law. So Ezra concludes his prayer to God (alluded to by Josephus below) with the phrase “‘ for we cannot stand any longer before Thee because of these things.” > The variant omits this last phrase. ° 1 Esdras Ἰεχονίας, Luc. Σεχενίας, Ezra Shechaniah (S*tkanyah). 4 In 1 Esdras he is called ‘‘ son of Jeélos, of the sons of Israel,”’ in Ezra “‘ son of Jehiel of the sons of Elam.” 383 JOSEPHUS 4 εν > ὁ > / 4 2 em τούτοις ὃ Εσδρας ἐποίησεν ὀμόσαι τοὺς φυλάρχους τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τῶν Λευιτῶν καὶ ᾿Ἰσραηλιτῶν ἀποπέμψασθαι τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα κατὰ 141 τὴν ᾿Αχονίου συμβουλίαν. λαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους 79% σ 5 \ a ¢ - > \ εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ εἰς TO παστοφόριον τὸ ᾿Ιωάννου τοῦ ᾿“ἘἘλιασίβου καὶ μηδενὸς ὅλως διὰ τὴν λύπην γευσάμενος ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν" δι- 148 ἤγαγεν αὐτόθι. γενομένου δὲ κηρύγματος ὥστε πάντας τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας συνελθεῖν. εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, ὡς τῶν ἐν δυσὶν ἢ τρισὶν ἡμέραις οὐκ ἀπαντησάντων ἀπαλλοτριωθησομένων τοῦ πλή- θους καὶ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτῶν κατὰ τὴν τῶν πρεσβυ- ,ὔ ’ 5 / lol > τέρων κρίσιν ἀφιερωθησομένης, συνῆλθον ἐκ τῆς Ts ὡς \ , > 4 χὰ ὟΝ ' Ἰούδα φυλῆς καὶ Βενιαμίτιδος ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ee". a +f , Δ \ Δ $:€ Bp to (4 εἰκάδι τοῦ ἐνάτου μηνός, ὃς κατὰ μὲν “EBpatous Χασλεύς," κατὰ δὲ Μακεδόνας ᾿Απελλαῖος καλεῖται. 149 καθισάντων δὲ ἐν τῷ ὑπαίθρῳ" τοῦ ἱεροῦ, παρόντων ἅμα καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων; καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ. κρύους ἀηδῶς διακειμένων, ἀναστὰς "Ἐσδρας rates ἐκεί- νους, λέγων πὰράνομῆσαι. γήμαντας. οὐκ ἐξ ὁμο- φύλων: νῦν μέντοι γε ποιήσειν αὐτοὺς τῷ μὲν θεῷ κεχαρισμένα συμφέροντα δὲ αὑτοῖς οἰἀπο- τ: ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ rell. tine 2 con). Hudson (Τεβέθος ex ed. pr. in ed.):. Ξένιος PFLIAVE: Ξέλιος L*: Τεβέθ W: Sileos Lat. Τ sais +f (Exc.): ὑπερώῳ rell. Lat. v 4“ Or simply “ from the temple e {ἱερόν in Josephus can mean either); 1 Esdras ἀπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς τοῦ ἱεροῦ, Esra ‘ from, before the temple.” 384 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 146-149 followed this advice, and made the chiefs of the priests, Levites and Israelites swear to send away their wives and children in aceordance with the counsel of Achonios. And, as soon as he had re- ceived their oaths, he hastened from the temple court® to the chamber of Jéannés,? the son of Eliasib,° and there spent all of that day,? not tasting a thing because of his grief. Then a proclamation went forth that all those of the captivity should gather at Jerusalem and that those who did not meet there within two or three days should be separated from the community and have their property con- fiseated to the temple in accordance with the de- cision of the elders. Accordingly, within three days those of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin gathered there, on the twentieth day of the ninth month, which is called Chasleus*. by the Hebrews and Apellaios by the Macedonians. And as they sat in the court’ of the temple, the elders also being present,’ and suffered discomfort from the cold, Ezra arose and accused them of having broken the law by marrying outside their own nation ; nevertheless, he said, they would now do what was pleasing to God and beneficial to themselves if they sent away their pea Esdras Ἰωανᾶν (cod. Β Ἰωνᾶ), Ezra Johanan ε ¢ Bibl. Eliashib (’Elyasib). 4 Neither 1 Esdras nor Ezra specifies the length of time he spent there. * Emended form (=Heb. Kislew); mss. Xenios, Xelios, Tebeth. Kislew corresponded roughly to December in the Julian calendar. The equation of Kislew with Apellaios is made also in Ant. xii. 248 and 319 ff. 7 The variant “upper chamber” is certainly corrupt ; 1 Esdras and Ezra “ in the broad place before the temple.” ¢ Added detail. 385 150 151 153 154 JOSEPHUS / A a ¢ vA ‘ πεμψαμένους τὰς γυναῖκας. οἱ δὲ ποιήσειν μὲν “ 4, > / A A “A . ΄ τοῦτο πάντες ἐξεβόησαν, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος εἶναι πολύ, καὶ τὴν ὥραν τοῦ ἔτους χειμέριον, καὶ τὸ ἔργον > a i) \ ὃ Ψ « ,ὔ « / ce ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μιᾶς οὐδὲ δευτέρας ὑπάρχειν ἡμέρας. οἵ τε ἡγεμόνες καὶ πρὸς τούτοις" οἱ συνοικοῦντες “- 3 4, LA / / ταῖς ἀλλοφύλοις παραγενέσθωσαν λαβόντες χρόνον ‘ / > 22 Ἅ θ λ ’ὔ ͵ὔ 3 καὶ πρεσβυτέρους ἐξ οὗ" ἂν θελήσωσι τόπου τοὺς συνεπισκεψομένους τὸ τῶν γεγαμηκότων πλῆθος. ” καὶ τοῦτο δόξαν αὐτοῖς, ἀρξάμενοι τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ δεκάτου μηνὸς ἀναζητεῖν τοὺς e συνοικοῦντας ταῖς ἀλλοεθνέσιν εὗρον ἕως τῆς τοῦ μηνὸς τοῦ ἐχομένου νουμηνίας ποιησάμενοι τὴν ἔρευναν, πολλοὺς ἔκ τε τῶν ᾿Ἰησοῦ ἐκγόνων τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τῶν Λευιτῶν καὶ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν, ot καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν γεγενημένα" τῆς τῶν νόμων φυλακῆς ἢ τῶν πρὸς αὐτὰ φίλτρων ποιούμενοι πλείονα λόγον, εὐθὺς ἐξέβαλον, καὶ θυσίας ἐξευμενίζοντες τὸν θεὸν ἐπήνεγκαν, κριοὺς καταθύσαντες αὐτῷ. τὰ δὲ ὀνόματα αὐτῶν λέγειν οὐκ ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν. ἀναγ- καῖον εἶναι. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἁμάρτημα τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους τῶν προειρημένων οὕτως ᾿ἐπανορθώσας "Ἔσδρας ἐκαθάρισε τὴν περὶ ταῦτα συνήθειαν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὴν τοῦ λοιποῦ μόνιμον" εἶναι. ~ ove , \ \ / © “4 (5) Τῷ δ᾽ ἑβδόμῳ μηνὶ τὴν σκηνοπηγίαν €opra- 1 καὶ πρὸς τούτοις Conj.: τούτοις καὶ codd. E: et alii Lat. ὧν Dindorf. ' Ain 8 λαβόντες... τόπου] tempus acciperent dilationis et seniores cohabitantes cum alienigenis Lat. * γεγεννημένα FAWE, δ᾽ νόμιμον PW Exc. 386 — a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 150-154 wives. Thereupon they all cried out that they would do this, but said that their number was great and it was the wintry season of the year and it was a work of not merely one or two days. ‘ But let the leaders and, in addition,* those who are married to foreign wives come here at a fixed time and bring elders from whatever place they wish, to examine with them the number of those.so married.” When they had resolved on this, they began, on the new moon of the tenth month, to search out those who were married to foreign wives and, continuing the inquiry until the new moon of the following month,” they found many of the descendants of the high priest Jésiis and of the priests, Levites and Israelites who, having more regard for the observance of the laws than for the objects of their affection, at once put away their wives and the children born of them, and brought sacrifices to propitiate God, the victims being rams. We have not, however, thought it necessary to give their names. 80 then, having rectified the wrongdoing of the forementioned men in marrying, Ezra purified the practice relating to this matter so that it remained fixed for the future. (5) In the seventh month they celebrated the Φ Emended text. Reinach, following 1 Esdras, which reads στήτωσαν δὲ οἱ προηγούμενοι τοῦ λαοῦ, suggests ἀλλ᾽ of γε ἡγεμόνες μενόντων “let the chiefs remain.’’ But both 1 ras and Ezra state further on in the verse that the elders and judges are to come to Jerusalem together with those married to foreign Ἄρη, I assume that by ἡγεμόνες Josephus means posse δ According fo Ρμα and Ezra the inquiry was terminated on the ἣν moon of the first month (of the following year). 387 JOSEPHUS ace \ A σ “ ~ 3 , ζοντες καὶ σχεδὸν ἅπαντος τοῦ λαοῦ συνεληλυθότος at ἐπ᾿ αὐτήν, ἀνελθόντες εἰς τὸ ἀνειμένον τοῦ ναοῦ i T πρὸς THY πύλην τὴν ἐπὶ THY ἀνατολὴν ἀποβλέπου- σαν, ἐδεήθησαν τοῦ "Εσδρα τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς 155 ἀναγνῶναι' τοὺς Μωυσέος. 6 δὲ μέσος τοῦ πλή- θους σταθεὶς ἀνέγνω, καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίησεν ἀπ᾽ > , eon “ ὃ , al Gaps Lata! 2 ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας ἕως μεσημβρίας: ot δὲ ἀκού- σαντες ἀναγινωσκομένων τῶν νόμων δίκαιοι μὲν A ‘ A \ ‘ , > 4 πρὸς TO παρὸν Kal τὸ μέλλον ἐδιδάσκοντο εἶναι, περὶ δὲ τῶν παρῳχημένων ἐδυσφόρουν καὶ μέχρι τοῦ δακρύειν προήχθησαν ἐνθυμούμενοι πρὸς αὑτοὺς ὅτι μηδὲν ἂν τῶν πεπειραμένων κακῶν ἔπαθον, 156 εἰ τὸν νόμον διεφύλαττον. 6 δὲ "Εσδρας οὕτως ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς ἔχοντας ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι πρὸς αὑτοὺς καὶ μὴ δακρύειν: εἶναι γὰρ ἑορτὴν καὶ μὴ δεῖν ἐν αὐτῇ κλαίειν: οὐ γὰρ ἐξεῖναι" προετρέπετο δὲ μᾶλλον πρὸς εὐωχίαν ὁρμήσαντας ποιεῖν τὰ πρόσφορα τῇ ἑορτῇ καὶ κεχαρισμένα, καὶ τὴν μετάνοιαν καὶ λύπην τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν ἐξ- , 5 ,ὕ , “ ‘ ih a ἡμαρτημένοις ἀσφάλειάν τε ἕξειν καὶ φυλακὴν τοῦ 1 ἀναγνωσθῆναι PFLVE. 2 ed. pr. Lat.: ἀπεῖναι codd. E. * In 1 Esdras and Ezra the people gather for the readi of the law on the Ist day of the 7th month, and on the 2 ~= day, according to Neh. (1 Esdras ends here), they read in the laws of Moses that the festival of Tabernacles is to be observed in the 7th month; only after this—-on what day is not specified—do they celebrate the festival. The natural 388 ee a κῶν. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 154-156 festival of Tabernacles? and, when almost all the kzra reads people had gathered for it, they went up to the open {fe [4" at court of the temple near the gate which faced the of Taber- _ east,” and asked Ezra to read to them the laws of τ ρας ix. ‘ Moses. So he stood up in the midst of the multitude 38; Neb. and read them, taking from early morning until noon. And, as they listened to the laws being read, they _ learned how to be righteous for the present and the _ fature, but they were troubled about the past and were moved to tears as they bethought themselves | that they would not have suffered any of the evils _ which they had experienced if they had observed the law. But, when Ezra saw them so affected, he bade them return to their homes and shed no tears, for, he said, it was a festival, on which it was not right to weep nor was it lawful. He exhorted them rather to turn to feasting and do what was in keeping with the festival and was pleasant, for in their repentance and sorrow over the sins which they had formerly committed, they would have a security and safeguard inference from this passage in Neh. is that on this occasion . the festival began on the 3rd day of the 7th month, although in the laws ascribed to Moses (Lev. xxiii. 34, Num. xxix. 12, | ef. Ant. iii. 244) the festival’s beginning is set on the 15th of |. 6 month (on the development of the religious calendar and ~ | the date of Tabernacles ¢f. J. Morgenstern in Hebrew Union | College Annual x., 1935, pp. 56 ff.). This apparent conflict between Neh. and the Pentateuch is probably the reason ~ why Josephus omits to state on what day of the month Ezra to read the law. Cf: 1 Esdras “in the broad place of the temple gateway toward the east”; Neh. “ before the broad place (A.V. “ street ’’) that was before the water-gate.”” In Neh. iii. 26 the water-gate is located in the eastern part of the city. On the topographical problems involved in Neh. ch. iii. ef. M. Burrows in Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research xiv., 1933/34, pp. 130 ff. 389 JOSEPHUS 157 μηδὲν ὅμοιον συμπεσεῖν. οἱ δέ, radbra”Eodpa παρ- αινοῦντος, ἑορτάζειν ἤρξαντο καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ ἐν ταῖς σκηναῖς, ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα μετὰ ὕμνων τοῦ θεοῦ, τῆς ἐπαν- ορθώσεως τῶν περὶ τὸ πολίτευμα παρανομηθέντων 168 Ἔσδρᾳ χάριν εἰδότες. ᾧ συνέβη μετὰ τὴν παρὰ τῷ λαῷ" δόξαν γηραιῷ ᾿τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον καὶ ταφῆναι μετὰ “πολλῆς φιλοτιμίας ἐν ἹἹεροσολύμοις. ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ ᾿Ιωακείμου τοῦ ἀρχ- ἱερέως ἀποθανόντος παῖς αὐτοῦ ᾿Ἐλιάσιβος τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διεδέξατο. 159 (6) Τῶν δ᾽ αἰχμαλωτισθέντων τις ᾿ΪΙουδαίων, οἰνοχόος τοῦ βασιλέως Ξέρξου, Νεεμίας ὄνομα περιπατῶν πρὸ τῆς μητροπόλεως τῶν [᾿ερσῶν Σούσων, ξένων τινῶν ἀπὸ μακρᾶς ὁδοιπορίας εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσιόντων ἐπακούσας ἑβραϊστὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμιλούντων, προσελθὼν αὐτοῖς ἐπυν- 100 θάνετο πόθεν εἶεν παραγενόμενοι. ἀποκριναμένων δ᾽ ἥκειν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, πῶς αὐτῶν ἔχει τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἡ μητρόπολις ἹἹεροσόλυμα πάλιν 101 ἤρξατο πυνθάνεσθαι. κακῶς δ᾽ ἔχειν εἰπόντων, 1 θεῷ Lat. α In the preceding Josephus omits certain scriptural details and adds others. It is noteworthy that he passes over ‘* Nehemiah the Tirshatha ’’ who is mentioned in Neh. viii. 9 as one of the leaders associated with Ezra in expounding the law (1 Esdras omits Nehemiah’s name). Μοβὲ modern biblical scholars recognize that the name of Nehemiah is an intrusion in this chapter which originally formed part of the story of Ezra. » Josephus here omits some scriptural details and adds others. © Variant ‘‘ God.” 390 ee acteneielinniilimiaaall JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 157-161 that the like would not happen again.*, Accordingly, at this reassurance from Ezra, they began to cele- brate the festival and kept it in their tabernacles for eight deve, after which they returned to their homes, singing hymns to God and expressing thanks to Ezra for rectifying the offences against the laws of the state.” And it was his fate, after being honoured by the people,* to die an old man and to be buried with great nificence in Jerusalem.* About the same time also died the high priest Joakeimos, whom his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood.? (6) *Now one of the Jewish captives, named Nehemiah Nehemiah,” who was cup-bearer of King Xerxes,’ *¢ Sus gets was walking about before the walls of Susa, the Jerusalem. metropolis of Persia, when he overheard some strangers, who were entering the city after a long journey, speaking Hebrew to one another, and so he went up to them and inquired where they had come from.‘ When they replied that they had come from Judaea, he began to inquire further how the people and the metropolis Jerusalem were getting on. They said that these were in a bad way, for the walls 4 Unscriptural detail. According to rabbinic tradition Ezra died in Persia, ef. Ginzberg iv. 358, vi. 446. * Cf. § 121 note ὁ. 7 In the following section, §§ 159-183, Josephus’s account of Nehemiah’s history differs in so many details from Scripture that most scholars assume, with some reason, that he had before him a text differing considerably from the extant Heb. and Gr. texts. * Gr. Neemias (as in txx), Heb. N*hemyah. * Artaxerxes in Scripture, modern scholars not being agreed as to whether Artaxerxes I (464-424 pry thea Arta- xerxes II (404-359 B.c.) is meant. Cf. Appendix B. * Unscriptural details ; οὐ. Neh. i. 2 “" Hanani, one of my brethren, came, he and certain men from Judah, and I asked them concerning the Jews,” etc. 391 Neh. i. 1 (Lxx 2 Esdras xi. 1). a ) — ae ¥ JOSEPHUS καθηρῆσθα γὰρ" εἰς ἔδαφος τὰ τείχη. καὶ τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη πολλὰ διατιθέναι κακὰ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους, ἡμέρας μὲν κατατρεχόντων τὴν χώραν καὶ δι- αρπαζόντων, τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς κακῶς ἀπεργαζομένων, ὡς πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς χώρας καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων αἰχμαλώτους ἀπῆχθαι καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς 162 πλήρεις εὑρίσκεσθαι καθ᾽ ἡμέραν νεκρῶν, ἐδάκρυσεν ὁ Νεεμίας ἐλεήσας τῆς συμφορᾶς τοὺς γα αν καὶ i ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, “ἄχρι τίνος, εἶπεν, “ὦ δέσποτα, περιόψει ταῦτα πάσχον τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν, οὕτως ἅρπαγμα πάντων καὶ λάφυρον γενό- 163 pevov®”’; διατρίβοντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τῇ πύλῃ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀποδυρομένου προσελθών" τις ἤγγειλεν αὐτῷ μέλλειν ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα. ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ὡς εἶχεν μηδὲ ἀπολουσάμενος ῥυρβίαε λέ ταν ἔσπευσεν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ πότου διακονίαν. 164 ὡς δὲ μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ὃ βασιλεὺς διεχύθη. καὶ ἡδίων αὑτοῦ γενόμενος ἀπέβλεψεν εἰς τὸν Νεεμίαν, κατεσκυθρωπακότα θεασάμενος, διὰ τί κατηφὴς 165 εἴη ἀνέκρινεν. ὁ δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ δεηθεὶς “χάριν τινὰ καὶ πειθὼ παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ λέγοντι, * πῶς, ᾿ φησίν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ, δύναμαί σοι “μὴ βλέπεσθαι τοιοῦτος μηδὲ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀλγεῖν, ὅπου τῆς πατρίδος μου ἹἹεροσολύμων, ἐν ἧ τάφοι καὶ μνήματα “προγόνων τῶν ἐμῶν εἰσιν, ἀκούω βεβλῆσθαι κατὰ 7H γῆς * βεβλῆ ῆσθαι W. 2 + αὐτῶν FLAVWE, 3 γεγόναμεν PV Lat. 4 προελθών PF VW(L?). * Josephus here amplifies Scripture. δ᾽ In Seripture Nehemiah mourns and fasts for several days after hearing the sad news about Jerusalem. . Josephus, more- over, greatly shortens the prayer of Nehemiah. ' 392 ———————— Λ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 161-165 had been torn down to the ground, and the sur- rounding nations were inflicting many injuries on the Jews, overrunning the country and plundering it by day and doing mischief by night, so that many had been carried off as captives from the country and from Jerusalem itself, and every day the roads were found full of corpses.* Then Nehemiah burst into tears out of pity for the misfortunes of his countrymen, and looking up to heaven, said, ““ How long, O Lord, wilt thou look away while our nation suffers these things, having thus become the prey and spoil of all?’® And, as he lingered near the gate, lament- ing these things, someone came up to him and informed him that the king was now about to recline at table. Thereupon, just as he was and without bathing, he at once hastened to perform the service of bringing the king his drink. But after dinner, when the king, who was relaxed and in a more pleasant mood than usual,? looked at Nehemiah and saw his gloomy face, he asked him why he was downcast. Then, after praying to God to give his words some measure of grace and per- suasiveness,? Nehemiah said, ““ How, O King, can I appear to you otherwise and not suffer pain of spirit when I hear that the walls of my native city Jeru- salem, where the graves and monuments of my fore- fathers are, have been thrown to the ground, and its ¢ Unscriptural detail ; according to Scripture Nehemiah hears the news in the month of Kislew and resumes his service in the month of Nisan (=4 months later). 4 Unscriptural detail. * Bibl. “ and I prayed to the God of heayen.” In Scrip- ture, moreover, this prayer comes after Nehemiah’s ex- planation of his sadness and before his request to leave for Jerusalem, which Josephus here combines. 393 JOSEPHUS τὰ τείχη Kal τὰς πύλας ἐμπεπρησμένας αὐτῆς; ἀλλὰ χάρισαί μοι πορευθέντι' τὸ τεῖχος ἀνεγεῖραι 166 καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸ λεῖπον" προσοικοδομῆσαι.᾽᾽ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διδόναι τε αὐτῷ τὴν δωρεὰν κατένευσε καὶ “πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας κομίσαι γράμματα, ὅπως τιμῆς τε αὐτὸν “ἀξιώσωσι καὶ πᾶσαν παράσχωσι χορηγίαν εἰς ἅπερ βούλεται. “ πέπαυσο δή," φησί, ‘ ᾿ λυπούμενος καὶ χαίρων ἡμῖν τοῦ Rouree 167 duaxover.” ὁ μὲν οὖν Νεεμίας προσκυνήσας τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ὑποσχέσεως εὐχαριστήσας, τὸ κατηφὲς τοῦ προσώπου καὶ συγκεχυμένον ἀπεκάθηρε τῇ περὶ τῶν ἐπηγγελμένων ἡδονῇ. καλέσας δὲ αὐτὸν τῇ ἐπιούσῃ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ πρὸς ᾿Αδδαϊον᾽ ἐπιστολὴν κομίσαι τὸν τῆς Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης καὶ Σαμαρείας ἔπαρχον, ἐν ἡ περί: τε τῆς τιμῆς τοῦ Νεεμίου καὶ χορηγίας τῆς εἰς τὴν οἰκοδομίαν ἐπεστάλκει. 108 (7) Γενόμενος οὖν ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἐθελοντὶ" ἀκολουθοῦντας αὐτῷ παρα- λαβὼν ἧκεν εἰς ‘lepoodAvpa πέμπτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἤδη βασιλεύοντος Ξέρξου, καὶ δείξας τῷ θεῷ" τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδίδωσι τῷ ᾿Αδδαίῳ καὶ τοῖς 1 ἀπελθόντι AW. 2 πλεῖστον PFA marg. ‘4 partem cadentem Lat. ? Σαλέον P: Σαλ(λ)αῖον : Σαδαῖον V: Addeo Lat. * ἐθελόντων PF: ἀλλὰ V: sponte Lat. τῷ λαῷ L: om. Lat. * Variant “complete the greatest part of the temple.” The temple is not mentioned in Scripture. > Josephus omits the scriptural detail that these letters were given to Nehemiah at his own request. ¢ Unscriptural details. 4 Scripture (Neh. vi. 7-8) mentions letters “ to the governors (xxx “ eparchs ἢ beyond the river” and to “ Asaph, the 394 th a P<. ae. ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 165-168 gates burnt? Do but graciously permit me to go there and raise up the wall and complete the building that remains to be done on the temple.’’* _There- Xerxes upon the king indicated that he granted him this ‘i! A" fayour and would let him carry letters to the satraps sives Neh. | that they should pay him due honour and furnish to go to him whatever supplies he wished for. “ Cease {salem grieving, therefore,” he said, “and be cheerful (Uxx hereafter in serving us.” And so Nehemiah, after iis." worshipping God and giving thanks to the king for his promise, cleared his face of its downcast and troubled expression in his joy at the things offered him.° And on the following day* the king called him and gave him a letter to carry to Addaios,? the eparch of Syria, Phoenicia and Samaria, in which he had given orders concerning the honour to be paid Nehemiah and the supplies for the building. ’ (7) And so, after going to Babylon and taking Nenemian , along many of his countrymen who followed him $78 voluntarily, he came to Jerusalem in the twenty- and : addresses fifth ὁ year of the reign of Xerxes ; and, when he had ἴῃς people. showed the letters to God, he delivered them to heen ii, 1 ag of the king’s forest.” The name Addaios is appar- 2 Esdras ently a corruption of Asaph, while his title of eparch must be *" 1) due to carelessness on Josephus’s part (if we assume that he had before him a text like ours). * The 20th year-(of Artaxerxes) according to Scripture; 5 moreover, by substituting Xerxes for Artaxerxes Josephus ( has involved himself in a chronological difficulty, inasmuch | as Xerxes reigned only 20 years (485-465 B.c.). Ey 7 Variant “ to the people.” Chamonard freely translates δείξας τῷ θεῷ as “* returned thanks to God,” but the more — literal translation given above is, as noted long ago in Hud- son-Havercamp, supported by the parallel in Ant. x. 16 (on 2 Kings xix. 14) where Josephus says that Hezekiah placed the letters of the Assyrian general “ within the temple ” (bibl. “* before the Lord"). 395 JOSEPHUS ἄλλοις ἐπάρχοις, Kal συγκαλέσας πάντα τὸν λαὸν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα στὰς ἐν μέσῳ τῷ ἱερῷ τοιούτους 169 ἐποιήσατο πρὸς αὐτοὺς λόγους" es ἄνδρες ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, τὸν ἌΝ θεὸν ἴ ἴστε μνήμῃ τῶν πατέρων ᾿Αβράμου" ᾿Ισάκου" καὶ ᾿Ιακώβου παραμένοντα καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐκείνων δικαιοσύνης οὐκ ἐγκαταλείποντα τὴν ἡμῶν" πρόνοιαν: ἀμέλει συνήργησέ μοι. παρὰ τοῦ 5 βασιλέως λαβεῖν ἐξουσίαν ὅ ὅπως ὑμῶν τὸ τεῖχος ἀναστήσω. καὶ τὸ λείψανον τοῦ ἱεροῦ τελειώσω. 110 βούλομαι δ᾽ ὑμᾶς τὴν τῶν γειτονευόντων ἡμῖν ἐθνῶν δυσμένειαν σαφῶς εἰδότας, καὶ ὅτι πρὸς τὴν οἰκοδομίαν, εἰ μάθοιεν περὶ ταύτην ἡμᾶς φιλοτιμου- μένους, ἐνστήσονται καὶ πολλὰ πραγματεύσονται 171 πρὸς αὐτὴν ἡμῖν ἐμπόδια, θαρρεῖν μὲν τῷ θεῷ πρῶτον ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνων ἀπέχθειαν ornoo- μένους," μήτε δ᾽ ἡμέρας μήτε νυκτὸς αὑτοὺς ἀνιέναι τῆς οἰκοδομίας, ἀλλὰ ,Τάσῃ σπουδῇ ω- μένους συνέχειν τὸ ἔργον, ὥς" γεῖ καιρὸς τούτου" 179 ἴδιός ἐστιν. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐκέλευσεν εὐθὺς τοὺς ἄρχοντας μετρῆσαι τὸ τεῖχος καὶ διανεῖμαι τὴν ἐργασίαν αὐτοῦ τῷ λαῷ κατὰ κώμας. τε καὶ πόλεις, κατὰ τὸ ἑκάστοις δυνατόν, ὑποσχόμενος δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν συλλήψεσθαι πρὸς τὴν 178 οἰκοδομίαν διέλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. καὶ ot ᾿Ιουδαῖοι πρὸς τὸ ἔργον παρεσκευάζοντο. ἐκλήθηψαξ, δὲ τὸ 1 Dindorf: ἱππάρχαις (-οιἰς E) codd. E Lat. 3 Hudson: ᾿Αβραὰμ Ρ: ᾿Αβραάμου vel “ABpadpou rell, 3 Hudson: Ἰσαὰκ Ρ: ᾿Ισαάκου FAVW: Ἱσαάκου L. 4 ὑμῶν AV. ® στησομένῳ Ν Lat.: στησομένου AW. δ ἕως ex Lat. Niese. q ἔτι LAWE. 8 τούτου om. P. 396 a ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 168-173 Addaios and the other eparchs. Then he summoned all the people to Jerusalem and, standing in the middle of the temple court,* addressed them in the following words. “ Fellow Jews, you know that God cherishes the memory of our fathers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and because of their righteousness does not give up His providential care for us. What is more, He has helped me to obtain authority from the king to put up your wall and complete what remains to be done on the temple. And so, although you plainly know the ill-will borne us by the neigh- bouring nations and that they will oppose the building if they learn of our eager efforts on behalf of it, and will put many obstacles to it in our way, it is my wish first that you have confidence that with God’s help you will withstand their hostility, and then that you do not relax in building either by day or night but show all zeal in continuing® the work since the time is favourable thereto.’’* With these words he told the officers to measure the wall at once and assign work on it to the people by villages and cities, according to the ability of each; and, promising that he himself would help in the building together with his servants, he dismissed the assembly.@ And the Jews prepared for the work. This name,’ by * Scripture (Neh. ii. 17) does not tell us in what part of the city Nehemiah addressed the people. Josephus, on the " other hand, omits the preceding section, vss. 12-16, describing Nehemiah’s secret inspection of the walls by night. > On the various meanings of συνέχειν cf. § 79 note ὃ. ¢ Josephus amplifies Nehemiah’s speech. 4 In these few words Josephus summarizes the contents of Neh. ch. iii. ¢ Jidaioi in Gr. This detail is, of course, an addition to Scripture. 397 174 176 JOSEPHUS ὄνομα ἐξ ἧς ἡμέρας ἀνέβησαν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀπὸ τῆς "Ἰούδα φυλῆς, ἧς πρώτης ἐλθούσης εἰς ἐ ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους αὐτοί τε καὶ ἡ χώρα τὴν προσηγδρίαν αὐτῆς" μετέλαβον. (8) ᾿Ακούσαντες δὲ τὴν τῶν τειχῶν οἰκοδομὴν σπευδομένην ᾿Αμμανῖται καὶ Μωαβῖται καὶ Σαμα- ρεῖται" καὶ πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ" Συρίᾳ νεμόμενοι χαλεπῶς ἔφερον καὶ διετέλουν ἐπιβουλὰς αὐτοῖς συντιθέντες, τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ἐμποδίζον ες, πολλούς τε τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀπέκτειναν καὶ αὐτὸν ἐζήτουν tov N εεμίαν διαφθεῖραι, μισθούμενοί τινας 5 τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, ἵν᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνέλωσιν. εἰς φόβον δὲ καὶ ταραχὴν αὐτοὺς ἐνέβαλλον καὶ φήμας αὐτοῖς διέστελλον ὡς πολλῶν ἐπιστρατεύειν αὐτοῖς μελλόντων ἐθνῶν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐκταρασσόμενοι “μικροῦ τῆς οἰκοδομίας ἀπέστησαν. τὸν δὲ Νεεμίαν ἐ οὐδὲν τούτων ἐξέστησε τῆς σπουδῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλὰ στῖφός τι φυλακῆς ἕ ἕνεκα τοῦ σώματος περι- βαλλόμενος ἀτρύτως ὑπέμενεν, ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὸ ἔργον ἐπιθυμίας ἀναισθητῶν καὶ τῆς ταλαιπωρίας. οὕτως δὲ καὶ συντεταμένως καὶ προνοητικῶς αὑτοῦ" τῆς σωτηρίας εἶχεν οὐχὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θάνατον, ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένος ὅτι μετὰ τὴν. αὐτοῦ τελευτὴν οὐκ ἔσταιϊ αὐτοῦ τοῖς πολίταις ἀναστῆσαιδ ἐκ PFLV. ed. pr.: αὐτοῖς codd. καὶ Σαμαρεῖται om. PF. κοίλῃ om. PF, secl. Niese. δὲ καὶ] τε PF LV. Naber: αὐτοῦ codd. οὐκ ἔσται conj.: οὐκέτ᾽ vel οὐκ ἔτι codd.; οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις conj. Niese. 8 conj.: ἀναστήσεται vel ἀναστήσονται codd. 398 aan Ὁ ὦ τὸ Καὶ .Ξ - — — JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 173-176 which they have been called from the time when they 9 went up from Babylon, is derived from the tribe of Judah ; as this tribe was the first to come to those parts, both the people themselves and the country have taken their name from it. -- (8) When the Ammanites, Moabites,* Samaritans mice and all those living in Coele-Syria heard that the jJerusaiem. building of the walls was being pressed, they were Gleb. ¥ ἐν angry and continually contrived plots against ἐπε τσ ἢ Jews to hinder their purpose ; they killed many of the ἢ βοτὰ Jews ὃ and sought to make an end of Nehemiah him- self by hiring some foreigners to do away with him.” They also instilled fear and alarm into them and Tumours among them that many nations were about to attack them, by which the Jews were so alarmed that they very nearly gave up building. None of these things, however, deterred Nehemiah from being zealous in the work, but, surrounding himself with a company of men to guard his person, he held out unwearyingly and in his eagerness about the work was insensible of the hardship. This intent- ness and forethought for his own safety he showed, not because he feared death, but because he was convinced that after his death it would not be possible for his fellow-citizens to put up the walls.? * The Moabites are not mentioned in Scripture, which, on the other hand, includes the Arabians and the Ashdodites, and names the three leaders, Sanballat, Tobiah and Geshem. > According to Scripture (Neh. iv. 11=Heb. iv. 5) the enemies of the Jews threatened to kill them, but the threat was not carried out. © Cf. Neh. vi. 1, 10 ff. 4 Emended text. This unscriptural detail about Nehe- miah’s motive seems to be based on a misunderstanding of Neh. iv. 14 (Heb, 8) end, “ fight I Feed brethren, your sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses.” 399 177 178 179 180 181 JOSEPHUS Harry τὰ τείχη. ἐκέλευσε δὲ ἑξῆς. τοὺς οἰκοδομοῦντας ὅπλα περιζωννυμένους ἐργάζεσθαι, καὶ ὁ μὲν οἰκοδόμος μάχαιραν εἶχε καὶ ὁ τὴν ὕλην παρα- κομίζων, bupeods δ᾽ ἔγγιστα αὐτῶν "ἐκέλευσεν κεῖσθαι καὶ σαλπιγκτὰς ἀπὸ πεντακοσίων ἔστησεν ποδῶν προστάξας, ἂν ἐπιφανῶσιν οἱ πολι έμιοι, τοῦτο σημῆναι τῷ λαῷ, ἵ ἵν᾽ ὧπλισμένοι" “μά evra καὶ μὴ γυμνοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιπέσωσιν. αὐτὸς δὲ νύκτωρ περιήρχετο τῆς πόλεως τὸν κύκλον, οὐδὲν κάμνων οὔτε τοῖς ἔργοις οὔτε τῇ διαίτῃ, καὶ τοῖς ὕπνοις" οὐδενὶ γὰρ τούτων πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἀνάγκην. ἐχρῆτο. καὶ ταύτην ὑπέμεινε τὴν ταλαι- πωρίαν ἐπὶ ἔτη δύο καὶ μῆνας τέσσαρας: ἐν τοσούτῳ γὰρ χρόνῳ τοῖς ἹἹεροσολύμοις ἀνῳκοδομήθη. τὸ τεῖχος, ὀγδόῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ τῆς Ξέρξου βασιλείας ἔτει μηνὶ ἐνάτῳ. τέλος δὲ τῶν τειχῶν ᾿λαβόντων Νεεμίας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἔθυσαν τῷ θεῷ ὑπὲρ τῆ τούτων οἰκοδομίας καὶ διῆγον ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας. ἜΝ εὐωχούμενοι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἔθνη τὰ ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ κατοικοῦντα" τῆς τῶν τειχῶν οἰκοδομίας wg ἔχειν ἀκουσθείσης ἐδυσφόρει. Νεεμίας "δὲ τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶν ὀλιγανθρωπουμένην, τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευίτας παρεκάλεσε τὴν χώραν ἐκλιπόντας μετ-. - > LY / \ /, > ᾿ τας ελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ μένειν ἐν αὐτῇ, κατασκευά- ᾿ it 1 “ὁπλισάμενοι PL*AWE: ὡπλισμένοις ΩΝ ¥ 2 κατοικημένα P: κατωκισμένα A 5 @ The specification of the distance is an unscriptural detail. δ According to this reckoning the work must haye been begun in the 5th mone of the 26th year of Xerxes (=2 and 4 mos. previously), which is at variance with pre! ment in § 168 (in ale incorrect, cf. note ad loc.) that it 400 ᾿ sey ψδον δῶσι JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 177-181 He therefore ordered that for the future the builders should be equipped with arms when they worked, and so the masons had swords, as also those who carried the materials; and he ordered shields to be p /yery near them, and stationed trumpeters at intervals of five hundred feet* with the com- mand to give the signal to the people if the enemy appeared, in order that they might be armed when they fought and not let the enemy fall on them un- prepared. He himself made the rounds of the city by night, never tiring either through work or lack of food and sleep, neither of which he took for ee but as a necessity. And these hardships e endured for two years and four months, for this “ was the length of time in which the wall ‘of: Jeru- salem was built, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month.’ And, when the walls were finally ready, Nehemiah and the people sacrificed to God in token of their being built and continued feasting for eight days.° Now when the nations settled in Syria heard that the building Nehemiah of the walls was finished, they were angry. But espera Nehemiah, seeing that the city had a small population, tion of urged the priests and Levites to leave the country- eg side and move to the city and remain there, for he had (2x, begun in the 25th year of Xerxes. Moreover, according to xvii 4). Scripture, the work took only 52 days, being finished on the oth « day of Ellul (the 6th month). This would indicate that Josephus had before him a text of the books of Nehemiah, whether Hebrew or Greek, rather different from ours (cf. § 159 note 7), unless we assume with J. Bewer, JBL xiiii, 1924, pp. 224 ff., that the text is corrupt. © Of. Neh, viii. 18; the festival here mentioned has already been mentioned, $8 154 ff., as part of the Ezra story (cf. § 156 note a). In what follows J osephus with the greatest possible brevity summarizes Neh. chs. v, vii-xiii. 401 JOSEPHUS 182 σας Tas οἰκίας αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀναλωμάτων" τόν τε γεωργοῦντα λαὸν τὰς δεκάτας τῶν καρπῶν ἐκέλευσε φέρειν εἰς ἹἹεροσόλυμα ἵνα τρέφεσθαι διηνεκῶς ἔχοντες οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευῖται μὴ κατα- Actor! τὴν θρησκείαν. καὶ of μὲν ἡδέως ὑπ- ἤκουσαν οἷς Νεεμίας διετάξατο, πολυανθρωποτέραν δὲ τὴν τῶν ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν οὕτως “συνέβη 188 γενέσθαι. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα καλὰ καὶ ἐπαίνων ἄξια φιλοτιμησάμενος ὁ Νεεμίας ἐτελεύτησεν. εἰς γῆρας ἀφικόμενος. ἀνὴρ δὲ ἐγένετο χρηστὸς τὴν ὕσιν καὶ δίκαιος καὶ “περὶ τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς. φιλο- τιμότατος, μνημεῖον αἰώνιον αὑτῷ καταλιπὼν τὰ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων τείχη. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ Ξέρξου βασιλέως ἐγένετο. 184 (vi. 1) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Ξέρξου τὴν βασιλείαν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Ασύηρον," ὃν ᾿Αρταξέρξην “Ἕλληνες καλοῦσιν, συνέβη μεταβῆναι. τούτου τὴν Περσῶν ἔχοντος ἡγεμονίαν ἐκινδύνευσε τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ἅπαν σὺν “γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἀπολέσθαι. 18ὅ τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν" πρέπει γὰρ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως διηγεῖσθαι πρῶτον, ὡς" ἔ ᾿Ιουδαίαν γυναῖκα τοῦ γένους. οὖσαν τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, 186 ἣν καὶ σῶσαι τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν 5 feats a λαβὼν yap τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ ᾿Αρταξέρξης καὶ 1 καταλίπωσι ΕῚ ΑΝ. 3 Gutschmid: Κῦρον codd. E Lat. 3 ἔπειθ᾽ ws LA. « Unscriptural detail. Neh. ch. xi. states plainly that only a certain portion of priests and Levites settled in erusalem ; the others remained ‘in the cities of Judah” (vss. 1, 3, 20). » This characterization of Nehemiah is an addition to Scripture. : 402 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 182-186 prepared houses for them at his own expense ;* he also told the people who cultivated the land to bring tithes of their produce to Jerusalem in order that the priests and Levites, having a perpetual source of live- lihood, might not abandon the temple service. And so, as they gladly obeyed Nehemiah’s ordinance, the city of Jerusalem came to have a larger population in this way. Then, after performing many other rae and praiseworthy public services, Nehemiah ed at an advanced age. He was a man of kind and just nature and most anxious to serve his countrymen ; and he left the walls of Jerusalem as his eternal monument.® These, then, were the things that took place in the reign of Xerxes. (vi. 1) On the death of Xerxes the kingdom passed Artaxerxes ἢ to his son Asuéros,° whom the. Greeks call Arta- joe xerxes. During the time when he ruled the Persian entertains empire, the entire nation of the Jews, with their “"°’™ | wives and children, was in danger of being destroyed. * The reason for this we shall explain presently,’ for it is in place first to relate the history of this king and how he married a Jewish woman of royal family,’ who is also said to have saved our nation. Now, after gsther i 1. Artaxerxes took over the royal power and appointed * So Gutschmid has ingeniously emended the ms. reading “ Cyrus ” (Asuéros is also found in Luc., as a transliteration of Heb. ’ A haswérés = bibl. Ahasueros). The Heb. ?Ahaswérds is, in reality, a rendering of the Persian Khsayarga of which the Greek form is Xerxes, but the txx here has Artaxerxes, hence Josephus’s equation of ’Ahaswérds with Artaxerxes. 2 In §§ 209 ff. * According to Scripture (Est. ii. 5) Mordecai, Esther’s uncle (cf. § 198 note d), was a descendant of ‘‘ Shimei, the son of Kish, a Benjamite,”’ on the basis of which rabbinic tradition makes him a descendant of King Saul, ef. Ginzberg iv. 381 ff., vi. 458. 403 187 188 189 190 JOSEPHUS καταστήσας ἀπὸ “lvdias ἄχρι Αἰθιοπίας τῶν σατρα- πειῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἰκοσιεπτὰ οὐσῶν ἄρχοντας, τῷ τρίτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει τούς τε φίλους καὶ τὰ ερσῶν ἔθνη καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτῶν ὑπο- δεξάμενος εἱστία πολυτελῶς, οἷον εἰκὸς παρὰ βασιλεῖ τοῦ πλούτου ᾿παρασκευαζομένῳ τὴν ἐπί- δειξιν ποιήσασθαι, ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα. ἔπειτα τὰ ἔθνη καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς αὐτῶν ἐν Σούσοις ἐπὶ ἡμέρας κατευώχησεν ἑπτά. τὸ δὲ συμπόσιον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον .γεγε- νημένον" σκήνωμα πηξάμενος ἐκ χρυσέων καὶ ἀργυρέων κιόνων ὕφη λίνεα καὶ πορφύρεα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν διεπέτασεν, ὥστε πολλὰς μυριάδας κατα- κλίνεσθαι. διηκονοῦντο δὲ ἐκπώμασι χρυσέοις καὶ τοῖς διὰ λίθου πολυτελοῦς εἰς τέρψιν ἅμα καὶ θέαν πεποιημένοις. προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοῖς διακόνοις μὴ βιάζεσθαι πίνειν, τὸ ποτὸν αὐτοῖς συνεχῶς προσφέροντας, ὡς καὶ παρὰ Πέρσαις γίνεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιτρέπειν. αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὃ βούλεται τῶν κατα- κειμένων. ἕκαστος φιλοφρονεῖσθαι. διαπέμψας δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν χώραν παρήγγειλεν ἀνεῖσθαι τῶν ἔργων ἀφιεμένους καὶ ἑορτάζειν ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις. ὁμοίως τε τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ βασίλισσα "Αστη" συνήγαγε συμπόσιον ἐν τοῖς 1V: ἐπέτασεν PFLAW. 2 ex seqq. in codd. PF Niese: αὐτῇ PF (hic) LA: Οὔαστη VWE et infra LA Lat. @ So Heb. and Luc. ; txx “ in the city.” > So Heb. and Luc. ; xx 6. ¢ Ofjimxx cubes of gold and silver, on pillars of Parian marble and stone”’; Heb. “rings of silver and pillars of marble ’’; Lue. “ cubes of silver and pillars of arene: marble and with zilding.” 404 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 186-190 officers over the hundred and twenty-seven satrapies from India to Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign he welcomed his friends and the Persian tribes and their governors, and entertained them lavishly, as became a king who wished to make a display of the wealth which he had acquired, for one “μὰν δὰ. and eighty days. Then he feasted the nations and their envoys at Susa® for seven® days. Now the banquet was served in the following manner. They set up a pavilion on gold and silver pillars,° over which they spread linen and purple cloth so that many myriads could recline at table. And they were served out of bowls made of gold or precious stones ¢ for the pleas- ure of those who beheld them. The king also com- manded his. servants not to force them to drink by bringing them wine continually, as is the custom among the Persians, but to permit each of the banqueters to use his own judgement in satisfying his desires.’ He also sent throughout the country and proclaimed to the people that they might give up their work and rest and celebrate for many days in honour of his reign.? And Queen Asté* similarly brought together the women for a banquet in her 4 Josephus here omits several setigtaial details. Α͂ So ixx and Luc. ;_ Heb. “ vessels of gold and various vessels.” ? Cf. txx “ And the drinking was not according to the established law; so the king wished, and ordered the stewards to do his wish and the men’s”; Heb. “ And the drinking was according to law; no one compelled (them), for so the king instructed every noble of his household, to do the wish of each man” (or “that each man do as he wished **) ; Lue. “ And the drinking was according to law, for so the king ordered, to do the wish of the men. * This sentence is an addition to Scripture. * Variant Ouasté (= Wasté), VOL. VI oO 405 JOSEPHUS« torn: ’ Δ > ~ , - «ε βασιλείοις, ἣν ἐπιδεῖξαι βουλόμενος τοῖς ἑστιῶ- / δ" λ \ / my! “λ ᾿ eat > A μένοις ὃ βασιλεὺς πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὴν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ἥκειν, κάλλει τὰς γυναῖκας ἁπάσας 191 ὑπερβάλλουσαν. Ri δὲ φυλακῇ τῶν παρὰ Ilépoais νόμων, of τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις βλέπεσθαι τὰς γυναῖκας ἀπηγορεύκασιν, οὐκ ἐπορεύετο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ πολλάκις τοὺς εὐνούχους ἀποστέλλοντος πρὸς αὐτήν, οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐνέμεινε, παραιτουμένη τὴν Ela ¢ > > 4 / \ ’ 192 ἄφιξιν, ὡς εἰς ὀργὴν παροξυνθέντα τὸν βασιλέα λῦσαι μὲν τὸ συμπόσιον, ἀναστάντα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἑπτὰ τῶν Ἰ]ερσῶν, οἱ τὴν τῶν νόμων ἐξήγησιν ἔχουσι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, καλέσαντα κατηγορεῖν τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ λέγειν ὡς ὑβρισθείη πρὸς αὐτῆς: κληθεῖσα γὰρ πολλάκις ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ συμ- 193 πόσιον ὑπήκουσεν οὐδ᾽ ἅπαξ. προσέταξεν οὖν δηλοῦν τίνα κατ᾽ αὐτῆς νόμον ὁρίζουσιν. ἑνὸς δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν Μουχαίου" ὄνομα εἰπόντος οὐκ αὐτῷ μόνῳ ταύτην γεγονέναι τὴν ὕβριν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσι Πέρσαις οἷς κινδυνεύεται καταφρονουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν αἴσχιστα διαγεγονέναι τὸν βίον ae Ε / Ἁ “ a. 3 δ’ Ἢ ἰδῶ 194 (΄ οὐδεμία γὰρ τοῦ συνοικοῦντος ἀνδρὸς αἰδῶ ποιήσεται, παράδειγμα τὴν τῆς βασιλίσσης ὑπερη- φανίαν πρὸς σὲ τὸν κρατοῦντα ἁπάντων ἔχουσα ᾽ἢ παρακελευομένου δὲ τὴν οὕτως ἐνυβρίζουσαν 1E: ἀνέμεινε codd. 2 ᾿Αμουχαίου WE: Nocheus Lat. 3 ἀλλὰ καὶ E: ἀλλὰ codd. 4 tre VWE. « Bibl. “in the palace of King Ahasuerus.”’ > Scripture gives no’ reason for Vashti’s refusal. The Targum adds that she was ordered to appear naked before the king’s guests. For the curious rabbinie legends about Vashti’s behaviour on this occasion see Ginzberg iv. 374 ff., vi. 455, 406 Ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 190-194 palace,* but the king, wishing. to show her to his guests, for she surpassed all women in beauty, sent and ordered her to come to his banquet. She, how- The queen go to the king and though he repeat sent the eunuchs to her, none the less persisted in her refusal to come, until the king, being provoked to anger, broke up the banquet and, arising and calling the Seven Persians, who have charge of the interpretation of the laws among them, accused his wife and said that he had been insulted by her, for though she had repeatedly been called by him to the banquet, she had not once obeyed. He therefore commanded them to declare what law they would make against her. Thereupon one of them, named Michaios,’ said that this insult affected not only himself but all the Persians, for they were in danger of having to lead a shameful life because of being contemptuously treated by their wives. ‘‘ No woman,” he said, “ will show any respect for her husband, since she will have an example in the arrogance of the queen toward you, who have power over all men.” He therefore urged him to inflict severe punishment on the woman _ © So rxx; variant (in Jos.) Amichaios; bibl. Memucan (M*mikan), Lue. Movyaios, v.l. Bovyaios. The Targum identifies him with Haman, whereas later rabbinic tradition identifies him with Daniel. In view of this identification with Haman, it is curious that the txx in vs. 10 has ᾿Αμάν =Hanian for the first named of the 7 eunuchs of the king, while Heb. has Mehuman. Scripture, however, distinguishes plainly between Mehuman and Memucan, the former being one of the 7 eunuchs of the king, while the latter is one of the “seven princes of Persia and Media” who act as his counsellors (so Heb. ; txx and Luc. omit “ seyen ” and name only 3 of these “ princes ’’), 407 4 : = 2 fuses to ever, in observance of the laws of the Persians, which ‘ttena forbid their women to be seen by strangers,” did not banquet. the 12 JOSEPHUS αὐτῷ ζημιῶσαι μεγάλην ζημίαν καὶ τοῦτο. ποιή- σαντα διαγγεῖλαι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν τὰ περὶ τῆς. βασι- λίσσης κεκυρωμένα, ἔδοξε τὴν "᾿Αστὴν ἐκβαλεῖν καὶ δοῦναι τὴν ἐκείνης τιμὴν ἑτέρᾳ γυναικί. ΣΕ 195 (9) Διακείμενος dé" πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐρωτικῶς. καὶ μὴ φέρων τὴν διάζευξιν, καταλλαγῆναι μὲν αὐτῇ διὰ τὸν νόμον οὐκ ἐδύνατο, λυπούμενος δὲ ὡς ἐπ᾿" ἀδυνάτοις οἷς ἤθελε διετέλει. βλέποντες δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὕτως “ἔχοντα χαλεπῶς οἱ φίλοι συνεβούλευον τὴν μὲν τῆς γυναικὸς μνήμην. καὶ τὸν ἔρωτα μηδὲν 196 ὠφελούμενον ἐκβαλεῖν, ζητῆσαι δὲ περιπέμψαντα καθ᾽ ὅλην τὴν. οἰκουμένην παρθένους εὐπρεπεῖς, ὧν τὴν προκριθεῖσαν ἕξειν γυναῖκα" σβέννυσθαι γὰρ τὸ πρὸς τὴν προτέραν “φιλόστοργον. ἑτέρας ἐπεισαγωγῇ, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἐκείνην εὔνουν ἀποσπώ- 197 μένον κατὰ μικρὸν γίνεσθαι τῆς συνούσης. πεισθεὶς δὲ τῇ συμβουλίᾳ ταύτῃ προσέταξέ τισιν ἐπιλεξα- μένοις τὰς εὐδοκιμούσας ἐπ᾽ εὐμορφίᾳ τῶν ἐν 198 τῇ βασιλείᾳ παρθένων ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν. συν- αχθεισῶν δὲ πολλῶν εὑρέθη τις ἐν Βαβυλῶνι κόρη τῶν γονέων ἀμφοτέρων ὀρφανή, παρὰ τῷ θείῳ Μαρδοχαίῳ (τοῦτο “γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα αὐτῷ) τρεφομέ οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ἐκ τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς, coved 199 πρώτον παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις. πασῶν δὲ τὴν 1 ὃ βασιλεὺς V. ἢ ed. pre: ἐν codd... * Scripture does not. tell what happened to Vashti after she was dethroned. According to rabbinic tradition she was executed, of. Ginzberg iv. 378, vi. 456. ν > The preceding i is an amplification of Scripture. © According to Scripture Esther was then in Susa with Mordecai. Josephus’s reference to Babylon is apparently based on Est. ii. 6, which says that Mordecai was one of the Jews whom Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, had 408 ee ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 194-199 who had so grievously insulted him and, when he had done this, to announce to the nations what had been decreed against the queen; and so it was decided to send Asté away? and to give her high position to another woman. _(2) Now, although the king was in love with her Prisma ng and could not bear the separation, he could not, pene because of the law, be reconciled to her, and so he Reg ὲ continued to grieve at not being able to obtain his desire. But, when his friends saw him in this un- state, they advised him to cast out the memory of his wife and his love for her, which was doing him no good, and to send throughout the entire habitable world in search of beautiful virgins and take as his wife the one who pleased him best, for, they said, his passion for his former wife would be quelled by replacing her with another, and his affection for her would gradually be diverted to the woman living with him.’ Following this advice, therefore, he com- manded some of his men to select those virgins in the kingdom who were most esteemed for beauty, and them to him. Now, among the many who The Jew were gathered together, there was found in Babylon ¢ Morécca! a girl who had lost both parents and was being niece brought up in the home of her uncle,? his name being eri ii. δ Mordecai. He was of the tribe of Benjamin and was one of the chief men among the Jews.‘ And taken captive— ον to Babylon. According to rab- “ binie tradition ee ro after the capture of Babylon by , Cyrus, accompanied ngs to Shushan (Susa) and there established an academy, cf. Ginzberg iv. 383. 4 Scripture says that her was the daughter of Mor- ~ decai’s uncle, i.¢. his cousin, but rabbinic tradition, like Josephus, makes her his niece. * Gr. Mardochaios, as in Lxx. * Cf. § 185 note 6. 409 JOSEPHUS ᾿Εσθῆρα συνέβαινε (τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτῇ τοὔνομα) τῷ κάλλει διαφέρειν Kat τὴν' χάριν τοῦ προσώπου 200 τὰς ὄψεις τῶν θεωμένων μᾶλλον ἐπάγεσθαι. παρα- δοθεῖσα δὲ αὕτη τινι τῶν εὐνούχων εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν πάσης ἐτύγχανε προνοίας, ἀρωμάτων ἀφθονίᾳ ‘Kal πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀλειμμάτων ὧν χρήζει τὰ σώματα καταρδομένη, καὶ τούτων aden ἐπὶ μῆνας 201 ἕξ τετρακόσιαι τὸν ἀριθμὸν οὖσαι. ὅτε δ᾽ ἐνόμιζεν ἀποχρώντως τῷ προειρημένῳ χρόνῳ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἔχειν ταῖς παρθένοις" καὶ τοῦ βαδίζειν αὐτὰς ἐπὶ κοίτην βασιλέως ἀξίας ἤδη γεγονέναι, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν μίαν ἔπεμπε τῷ βασιλεῖ συνεσομένην. ὁ δὲ πλησιάζων εὐθὺς ἀπέπεμπε πρὸς τὸν «εὐνοῦχον. 202 ἀφικομένης δὲ τῆς ᾿Εσθήρας πρὸς αὐτόν, ἡσθεὶς αὐτῇ καὶ πεσὼν τῆς κόρης εἰς ἔρωτα νομίμως αὐτὴν ἄγεται γυναῖκα καὶ γάμους ᾿αὐτῇ ποιεῖται δωδεκάτῳ μηνὶ ἑβδόμου ἔτους τῆς αὐτοῦ βασιλείας, 203 ᾿Αδάρῳ" καλουμένῳ. διέπεμψε δὲ τοὺς ἀγγάρους ᾿ λεγομένους εἰς πᾶν ἔθνος, ἑορτάζειν τοὺς γάμους παραγγέλλων, αὐτὸς δὲ Πέρσας" καὶ “ποὺς πρώτους τῶν ἐθνῶν ἑστιᾷ ἐπὶ μῆνα ὅλον ὑπὲρ τῶν γάμων 1 διὰ τὴν Cocceji. 2 παραδοθεῖσαι δὲ αὗται. .. ἐτύγχανον. .. καταρδόμεναϊ ex Lat. Niese. 3 Niese: tas παρθένους codd. 4 ex Lat. Naber: ᾿Αδέρῳ LA: ᾿Αδέρου PFV: Δεραίου bts) 5 + καὶ τοὺς Μήδους LAVW. « Josephus does not comment on the fact that in Scriptute she is also called Hadassah. » Lit. ‘sprinkled.”’ ¢ 12, according to Scripture. wa Α Scripture does not specify the number of maidens. υ ¢ So rxx (Adar is approximately March); Heb. “in the 410 EE — a Ὁ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 199-203 Esther—this was her name *—surpassed all women in beauty, and the grace of her countenance greatly attracted the eyes of all who beheld her. Being, therefore, given over to one of the eunuchs to be cared for, she received every attention and was anointed ὃ with an abundance of spices and costly unguents, such as women’s bodies need. This was the treatment enjoyed for six® months by the maidens, who were four hundred in number.* Then, when he thought that the virgins had had sufficient care in the forementioned period of time and were now fit to come into the king’s bed, he sent one every day to lie with the king, who, after having inter- course with her, at once sent her back to the eunuch. But, when Esther came to him, he was pleased with emp her and then, having fallen in love with her, made cs hie wife. her his lawful wife and held their wedding in the s*henii. 16 twelfth month, called Adar,’ in the seventh year of his reign.. He also sent out messengers called angarot’ to every nation, inviting them to celebrate the wedding, while he himself entertained the Persians? and the chief men of the nations for a whole month” in honour of his marriage ; and, when tenth month, which is the month of Tebeth (approximately + January).” Strictly speaking, this was’ not the date of the wedding but when Esther “ was taken to King Ahasuerus, into his palace.” Scripture does not specify how long after- | ward the wedding was celebrated. 7 Unscriptural detail, οὐ. Herodotus iii. 126. The Gr. 5 angaros, derived from Persian, is ultimately of Babylonian ὁ origin. 9 The variant adds “‘ and the Medes.” * For 7 days, according to txx; Heb. does not say how long the feast lasted. Josephus, moreover, omits. the scriptural detail of the royal amnesty then proclaimed. 411 JOSEPHUS CAG ec 8 αὐτοῦ, εἰσελθούσης δὲ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον περιτίθησι αὐτῇ τὸ διάδημα, καὶ συνῴκησεν οὕτως Ἐσθήρ, μὴ ποιήσασα φανερὸν αὐτῷ τὸ ἔθνος ἐξ οὗπερ εἴη 204 τυγχάνουσα. μεταβὰς δὲ καὶ ὁ θεῖος αὐτῆς ἐκ τῆς παρύγανος εἰς Σοῦσα τῆς Περσίδος αὐτόθι διῆγεν, ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις διατρίβων καὶ Δ alta asp Τῆς, OPT. τίνα διάγει τρόπον: ἔστεργεν γὰρ αὐτὴν ὡς αὑτοῦ. θυγα- τέρα. wld | 205 (8) "ἔθηκε δὲ καὶ νόμον 6 βασιλεὺς ὥστε μηδένα τῶν ἰδίων" αὐτῷ προσιέναι μὴ κληθέντα, ὁπηνίκα ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καθέζοιτο. περιεστήκεσαν δὲ τὸν θρόνον αὐτοῦ πελέκεις ἔχοντες. ἄνθρωποι πρὸς "τὸ κολάζειν τοὺς προσιόντας ἀκλήτους τῷ θρόνῳ. 200 καθῆστο μέντοι λύγον χρυσέαν, ἔχων αὐτὸς ὁ βασιλεύς, ἣν ὅτε" τινὰ σώζειν ἤθδλε τῶν ἀκλήτως προσιόντων ἐξέτεινε πρὸς αὐτόν: 6 δὲ ἁπτόμενος αὐτῆς ἀκίνδυνος ἦν. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀρκούν- Tws ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. 207 (4) Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐπιβουλευσάντων τῷ 1 ἰδιωτῶν conj. Chamonard. 2 Dindorf: ὅταν codd. E. « Cf. § 198 note c. > In Est. ii. 19 Heb. has the puzzling statement, “ “ Aad 412 — .0 eT JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 203-207 Esther entered the palace, he placed the diadem en her head, and so she lived with him but did not reveal to him the nation from which she came. Then her uncle moved from Babylon to Susa in Persia and dwelt there ;* every day he lingered about the palace, inquiring about the girl and how she fared, for he loved her as his own daughter.” _ (3) Now the king had made a law that none of his The ων people ° should approach him whenever he sat on approaching the throne, unless he were summoned. And round “® throne. his throne stood men with axes to punish any who areca the throne without being summoned. e king himself, however, as he sat held a golden wand which he extended to anyone whom he wished to save of those who approached without being summoned ; and whoever touched this was out of danger. But of these things we have now said enough.? (4) Some time afterward Bagathdos* and Theo- when the virgins were gathered a second time, Mordecai sat in the king’s gate,” while uxx merely reads “ And Mordecai was in attendance (ἐθεράπευεν) in the court.” Josephus’s statement above is apparently based on the txx text of this verse, although he may have connected the Heb. here with the earlier verse, ii. 11, which says that Mordecai came to the women’s palace every day to inquire about Esther—this being during the period before she was chosen queen. * For ἰδίων “his own (people)’’ Chamonard suggests i The vciedine ie "ἢ Est. ‘preeeding is an amplification of v. 9, οὐ. 8.938. The detail about the ‘‘ men with axes” is an invention of Josephus. For rabbinic traditions concerning the difficulties of “tab Bisthon: king ef. Ginzberg iv. 427 ff. * Bibl. Bi 3 most Lxx Mss. omit this and the following name, but cod. Sin. corr. has Βαγαθάν, and the txx in apocr. add. A has Γαβαθά, Luc. ᾿Αστα(γ)ής- 413 JOSEPHUS aw βασιλεῖ Βαγαθώου καὶ Θεοδέστου," Βαρνάβαζος" τῶν εὐνούχων οἰκέτης τοῦ ἑτέρου, τὸ γένος ὧν ᾿Ιουδαῖος, συνεὶς τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῷ θείῳ κατ- ἐμήνυσε τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ βασιλέως Μαρδοχαίῳ, ὁ δὲ διὰ τῆς ᾿Εσθήρας φανεροὺς ἐ ἐποίησε τῷ βασιλεῖ 208 τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας. “ταραχθεὶς δὲ ὁ σιλεὺς τἀληθὲς ἐξεῦρεν καὶ τοὺς μὲν εὐνούχους. ἀνεσταύ- ρώσεν, τῷ δὲ Μαρδοχαίῳ τότε μὲν οὐδὲν παρέσχεν ὡς αἰτίῳ τῆς σωτηρίας γεγονότι, μόνον δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα τοῖς τὰ ὑπομνήματα συγγραφομένοις ἐκέλευσε σημειώσασθαι καὶ προσμένειν αὐτὸν τοῖς βασιλείοις, ὄντα φίλον ἀναγκαιότατον τῷ, βασιλεῖ. (5) ᾿Αμάνην δὲ _ Apadabov? μὲν υἱὸν τὸ γένος δὲ ᾿Αμαληκίτην εἰσιόντα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα προσ- εκύνουν οἵ τε ξένοι καὶ Ἰ]έρσαι, ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν 1 Θεοδοσίτου PFV. ae Φαρνάβαζος conj. Hudson. 3 ᾿Αμαθάδου FLA: ᾿Αμαδάνου W. * Variant Theodosités ; bibl. Teresh, txx pay Sin. corr. @apds, Lxx apocr. add. A Θάρρα, Luc. Θεδευτός. Josephus’ 5 form, Theodestés, seems to be based on the Luc. ee dew the apocr. add., which, in turn, may be a corruption of Heb. Teres, as r and ἃ are very much alike in Heb. script, as ' Reinach’ notes. H. Willrich (cited) by C. Emmet in R. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testa- ment, i. 160 π. 8) connects the names ‘Theodestés im Josephus and ‘Thedeutos in Luc. with the-'Theodotos: mentioned in 3 Maccabees i. 2 as an Egyptian deserter who attempted to kill King Ptolemy IV. The suggestion is ΒΙΒΈΒΙΝΝΗΝ ut not convincing. > Suggested variant Pharnabazos (the Greek form of a common Iranian name). Barnabazos is an invention of Josephus (or his non-biblical source). According to Scripture Mordecai was sitting in“ the gate of the king ” when the eunuchs were plotting, and ‘‘ the thing became known to Mordecai’; according to the txx apocr. add. A Mordecai himself overheard the plot, For rabbinic legends ‘about 414 ———— σαι υ. “ὦ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 207-209 destés α plotted against the king, but Barnabazos,? Moctocnt the servant of one of these eunuchs, who was a Jew pict against τ race, discovered their plot and revealed it to {πὸ king. | ordecai, the uncle of the king’s wife, and he in turn through Esther exposed the plotters to. the king. The king, being alarmed, investigated and found out the truth and crucified the eunuchs; as for Mordecai, at the time he gave him no reward for saving his life but only ordered the keepers of the archives to note his name and let him remain in the palace as a very close friend of the king.° (5) Now whenever Haman,’ the son of Amada- Haman’s thos,’ who was of Amalekite descent,f went in to the hatred of king, the foreigners and Persians’ prostrated them- and the ὁ Ss. Morsiecatis part in detecting the conspiracy cf. Ginzberg — iv. 391 ff. ς This last detail about Mordecai’s remaining in the “as a very close friend of the king’ seems to be on apocr. add. A (xii. 25) which reads, ‘“‘and the king commanded that Mardochaios should be in attendance in the court, and he gave him gifts for these things,” Luc. “ and the king commanded concerning Mardochaios that he should be in attendance in the king’s court and openly (ἐπιφανῶς) watch every door.” The Heb. text of Est. ii. 23 says nothin as to Mordecai’s position after the eunuchs were pisos g while txx reads “the king ordered a memorial to be written in the royal library in praise of Mardochaios’s loyalty.” εἱ 4, Οὐ és, Lxx ᾿Αμάν. * So txx; bibl. Hammedatha. 7 So Targum and rabbinic tradition explain the Heb. ) gentilic ha-*gagi (A.V. “ Agagite ”; uxx Bovyaios, Luc. | T'wyaios,—in a . add. A Luc. has “ Macedonian”’), mak- ¢ ing Haman a descendant of Agag, “‘ the king of the Amale- τὸ kites ” in the time of Saul (1 Sam. xv. 8). For rabbinic _ traditions concerning the complete genealogy of Haman ¢f. Ginzberg vi. 462 ff. _ * Heb.“ all the servants of the king who were in the king’s gate,” txx “ all those in the couiiy” Toad “ all (men).” 415 ᾿ς JOSEPHUS ἰῇ τιμὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ᾿Αρταξέρξου κελεύοντος γενέσθαι. 210 Μαρδοχαίου δὲ διὰ σοφίαν καὶ τὸν οἴκοθεν αὐτοῦ νόμον οὐ προσκυνοῦντος ἄνθρωπον, παραφυλάξας ὁ ᾿Αμάνης ἐπυνθάνετο πόθεν εἴη. μαθὼν δ᾽. αὐτὸν ὄντα ᾿Ιουδαῖον ἠγανάκτησε καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν εἶπεν ὡς ot μὲν ἐλεύθεροι Πέρσαι προσκυνοῦσιν. αὐτόν, οὗτος δὲ δοῦλος ὧν οὐκ ἀξιοῖ τοῦτο ποιεῖν. καὶ τιμωρήσασθαι θελήσας τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον, αὐτὸν μὲν αἰτήσασθαι. πρὸς κόλασιν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως μικρὸν ἡγήσατο, τὸ δὲ ἔθνος αὐτοῦ διέγνω πᾶν ἀφανίσαι" καὶ γὰρ φύσει τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἀπηχθάνετο, ὅτι καὶ τὸ γένος τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν, ἐξ ὧν ἦν αὐτός, ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν διέφθαρτο. προσελθὼν οὖν τῷ βασιλεῖ κατηγόρει λέγων ἔθνος εἶναί τι πονηρόν, δι- -eomdpbar δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ βασι- λευομένης οἰκουμένης, “ἄμικτον ἀσύμφυλον. οὔτε θρησκείαν τὴν αὐτὴν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔ ἔχον οὔτε νόμοις χρώμενον ὁμοίοις, “ ἐχθρὸν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσι καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν τῷ σῷ λαῷ καὶ ἅπασιν ἀνθρώ- 213 ποις. τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος, εἴ Tuva θέλεις. τοῖς ὑπηκόοις εὐεργεσίαν καταθέσθαι, κελεύσεις πρόρριζον ἀπ- 2] -- 21 bo 1 τὸν ἄνθρωπον Bekker. tert εὐ oe +p * Scripture gives no explanation of Mordecai’ 5 refusal τ bow down. δ᾽ Suggested variant “ the.” ¢ This explanation of Haman’s hatred of the Tews is an unscriptural detail, but also found in the Targum to this verse (iii. 6). J osephus here passes over the confused state- ment in vs. 7 of which the Heb. text reads, ‘‘ Im the first month, which is the month of Nisan, in the twelfth year of King Ahasuerus, he cast Pur, that is, the lot before Haman from day to day and from month to the twelfth month, which is the month of Adar.” Lxx reads more intelligibly, * And 416 =r ee oe in JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 209-213 selves before him, for Artaxerxes had ordered that he should receive this honour from them. , But Mordecai because of his wisdom and his native law? would not prostrate himself before any’ man, and Haman, having observed this, inquired from what people he came. And when he learned.that he was a Jew, he became indignant and remarked to him- self that whereas the free-born Persians prostrated themselves before him, this man, who was a slave, did not see fit to do so. And although he wished to be avenged on Mordecai, he considered it too little to ask that he alone be punished by the king, but decided to exterminate his whole nation, for he natur- ally hated the Jews because his own race, the Amale- kites, had been destroyed by them.* Accordingly, he went to the king and brought a charge, saying ὦ that there was a certain wicked nation scattered throughout the habitable land ruled by him, which | was unfriendly and unsocial and neither had the © same religion nor practised the same laws as others, “but both by its customs and practices it is the enemy of your people and of all mankind. If you / wish to lay up a store of good deeds* with your subjects, you will give orders to destroy this nation he made a decree in the twelfth year of the reign of Artaxerxes, and he cast lots day by day and month by month, to destroy the race of Mardochaios in one day; and the lot fell on the fourteenth day of the month which is Adar *—meaning that the massacre was set for the 14th day of Adar (the 12th month): This is the date given in apocr. add. B (xiii. 6) which is followed by Josephus below, § 219; but according to Scripture (iii. 13 Heb, and Luc.,—.xx omits the day) the massacre was to take place on the 13th of Adar. Josephus ignores this discrepancy in his sources. 4 fav καταθέσθαι is a Thucydidean phrase, ¢f. 417 214 215 216 217 JOSEPHUS ολέσθαι μηδέ τι αὐτοῦ λείψανον. καταλιπεῖν μήτ᾽ εἰς δουλείαν τινῶν φυλαχθέντων μήτε αἰχμαλωσίαν. ' ἵνα μέντοι μὴ ζημιωθῇ" τοὺς φόρους τοὺς Tap αὐτῶν γινομένους, ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας οὐσίας, αὐτὸς ἐπηγγείλατο μυριάδας δώσειν ταλάντων ἰργυρίου τέσσαρας, ὅπου ἂν κελεύσῃ. ταῦτα δὲ τὰ χρήματα παρέχειν ἡδέως ἔλεγεν, ἵν᾽ ἀπὸ τούτων εἰρηνευθῇ τῶν κακῶν ἡ βασιλεία. (6) Ταῦτα τοῦ ᾿Αμάνου ἀξιώσαντος ὁ Beau leis καὶ τὸ ἀργύριον αὐτῷ χαρίζεται καὶ τοὺς ἀνθριώ- πους, ὥστε ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς ὅ τι βούλεται. τυχὼν δὲ ὧν ἐπεθύμει ᾿Αμάνης παραχρῆμα gyre διά- ταγμα ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς “ἅπαντα τὰ ἔθνη περιέχον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον" “ Βασιλεὺς: μέγας ᾿Αρταξέρξης τοῖς ἀπὸ Ἰνδικῆς ἕ ἕως τῆς Αἰθιοπίας ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν σατραπειῶν ἄρχουσι τάδε γράφει. πολλῶν ἐθνῶν ἄρξας καὶ πάσης ἧς ἐβουλήθην κρατήσας οἰκουμένης καὶ “μηδὲν, ὑπὸ τῆς ἐξουσίας ὑπερήφανον μηδὲ σκαιὸν εἰς τοὺς ἀρχομένους ἀναγκασθεὶς ἁμαρτεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιεικῆ καὶ πρᾷον ἐμαυτὸν παρασχὼν καὶ προνοησάμενος εἰρήνης καὶ εὐνομίας" αὐτοῖς, ἐζήτουν πῶς εἰς ἅπαντα τούτων ἀπολαύειν αὐτοῖς γένοιτο. τοῦ δὲ διὰ σωφροσύνην καὶ δικαιοσύνην παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ τὴν πρώτην μοῖραν δόξης καὶ τιμῆς ἔχοντος καὶ HER * ξημιωθῆς PFLA, 3 εὐνομίας ἀφορμὰς LA: εὐνομίαν W. « Bibl. 10. Scripture adds that the money was to be psi into the royal treasury. » This sentence is an addition to Scripture. ¢ On the 13th day of the Ist month (Nisan), Seniesa & Scripture (iii. 12). Josephits also omits the scriptural detail 418 κ»υνι σ΄"; JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 213-217 root and branch and leave not a remnant of them to be kept either in slavery or in captivity.”’ ‘Lest ἢ . the king, however, suffer the loss of the tribute = collected from them, he offered to give out of his own property forty* thousand talents of silver τ whenever the king should give the order. This | sum of money he said he would gladly furnish in ~ order that the kingdom might be rid of this plague and have peace.” (6) After Haman had made this request, the king Haman presented him with both the money and the men to ΩΝ kings do as he pleased with them. And, on obtaining his edictagainst desire, Haman immediately sent out an edict® in Esther iii. the king’s name to all the nations, of which the con- '» tents were as follows.4 “ The decree of the great Apocr. king Artaxerxes to the rulers of the one hundred 23" and twenty-seven satrapies from India to Ethiopia : (444. Β 1). While I have ruled oyer many nations and have had dominion oyer all the habitable land which I could wish, I have not been compelled because of my power to wrong my subjects by any arrogant or brutal act, but have shown myself considerate and mild and have looked out for their peace and good government, seeking how they might enjoy these things for eyer. But Haman, who because of his prudence and uprightness receives the first share of glory and honour from me and because of his (vs. 10) that the king gave Haman his seal-ring (as a symbol of authority). 4 The following decree is a close δ τς rina of the text 4:--.-.- given in the apocr. Esther, xiii. 1 ff. _ Seripture here (iii. 12-13) says briefly that the king’s letter was sent to all the officers throughout the kingdom and ordered them to kill all the Jews on the-13th day of the 12th month.(Adar), cf. above, note ¢, p. 416. 419 JOSEPHUS ἐμὲ δευτέρου διὰ πίστιν καὶ βέβαιον εὔνοιαν ᾿Αμάνου κηδεμονικῶς ὑποδείξαντός μοι παντά-: πασιν “ἀνθρώποις ἀναμεμῖχθαι. δυσμενὲς | ἔθνος καὶ τοῖς νόμοις, ἀλλόκοτον καὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀνυπότακτον καὶ παρηλλαγμένον τοῖς ἔθεσι ‘Kal τὴν μοναρχίαν μισοῦν καὶ δύσνουν τοῖς ἡμετέροις 218 πράγμασι, κελεύω τοὺς δηλουμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ δευτέρου μου πατρὸς ᾿Αμάνου πάντας σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἀπολέσαι μηδεμίαν φειδῶ ποιησαμένους, μηδ᾽ ἐλέῳ πλέον 7 τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις πεισθέντας" 219 παρακοῦσαι τῶν γεγραμμένων. καὶ τοῦτο γενέσθαι βούλομαι τῇ τετράδι καὶ δεκάτῃ τοῦ δωδεκάτου μηνὸς τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους, ὅπως οἱ πανταχόθεν ἡμῖν πολέμιοι μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ διαφθαρέντες τοῦ λοιποῦ μετ᾽ εἰρήνης ἡμῖν τὸν βίον διάγειν παρέχωσι." 220 τούτου κομισθέντος τοῦ ῦ προστάγματος εἰς τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν ἕτοιμοι πάντες ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν *lou- δαίων ἀπώλειαν" εἰς τὴν προειρημένην ἡμέραν ἐγίνοντο" ἐσπεύδετο δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν τοῖς Σούσοις ὃ ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς καὶ ὁ ᾿Αμάνης πρὸς εὐωχίαις καὶ πότοις ἦσαν, ἐν ταραχῇ δ᾽ ἦν ἡ πόλις. τς 221 (7). Ὁ. δὲ Μαρδοχαῖος μαθὼν τὸ γινόμενον, περιρρηξάμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ σάκκον ἐνδυσάμενος καὶ καταχεάμενος σποδιὰν διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐφέρετο βοῶν ὅτι μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαν ἔθνος ἀναιρεῖται, καὶ τοῦτο λέγων ἕως τῶν βασιλείων ἦλθε καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῖς ἔστη" οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν εἰσελθεῖν αὐτῷ τοιοῦτον περικειμένῳ σχῆμα. τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ πάντες ἐποίησαν οἱ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν Ἰουδαῖοι, ἐν αἷς τὰ περὶ τούτων προετέθη γράμματα, θρηνοῦντες καὶ 1 ὑπαχθέντας LAW. 2 + Kat παντελῆ ἐξολόθρευσιν Wu 3 Hudson, cf Lat. Susis: τῇ Lovey codd. bo 22 420 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 217-222 faithfulness. and steadfast loyalty is second after _ myself, has solicitously shown me that there is an unfriendly nation mingled with all mankind, which has peculiar laws, is insubordinate to kings, is differ- ent in its customs, hates monarchy and is disloyal “ to our government, wherefore I order you to destroy all those who are pointed out by Haman, my second father, with their wives and children, without sparing anyone or disobeying my written orders by giving more heed to pity than to my instructions. It is my will that this shall take place on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of the present year, in order that our enemies everywhere may be destroyed in one day and so let us lead our lives in peace thereafter.”’. When this decree was brought to the cities and the country districts, they all made them- selves ready for the destruction of the Jews on the forementioned day. And haste was made in Susa as well. And so the king and Haman were busy with feasting and drinking, while the city was in commotion. (7) When Mordecai learned what had been done, Esther iii he rent his clothes, put on sackcloth, sprinkled ashes * on his head and went about the city, crying that a nation which had done no wrong was to be de- stroyed ;¢ still saying this, he came as far as the palace but stopped there, for it was not lawful for him to enter it clothed in such attire. And the same. was done by all the Jews in the cities in Mordecai's which the decree concerning these matters had {S3°5. 1 been published, they also wailing and lamenting - 4 The words “ that a nation which had done no wrong,” ete. are taken from the txx; Heb. has merely “ cried out with a loud and bitter cry.” — .- Vv" | 421 223 225 226 — JOSEPHUS ΕΠ τὰς κατηγγελμένας αὐτοῖς συμφορὰς ὀδυρόμενοι: ὡς δ᾽ ἀπήγγειλάν τινες τῇ βασιλίσσῃ τὸν Μαρ- δοχαῖον ἐν οὕτως οἰκτρῷ σχήματι πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς ἑστῶτα, ταραχθεῖσα πρὸς τὴν ἀκοὴν ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς μεταμφιάσοντας αὐτόν. οὐ πεισθέντος δὲ ἀποδύσασθαι τὸν σάκκον (οὐ γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τοῦτον ἀναγκασθείη λαβεῖν δεινῷ πεπαῦσθαι τοῦτο) προσ- καλεσαμένη τὸν εὐνοῦχον ᾿Αχράθεον (καὶ γὰρ ἔτυχεν αὐτῇ παρών). ἀπέστειλε πρὸς Μαρδοχαίον γνωσόμενον τίνος συμβεβηκότος αὐτῷ σκυθρωποῦ πενθεῖ καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τοῦτο περικείμενος. οὐδ᾽ >, A ,ὔ 3 ’ ε A - αὐτῆς παρακαλούσης ἀπέθετο. ὁ δὲ Μαρδοχαῖος ἐπέδειξε τῷ εὐνούχῳ τὴν αἰτίαν, τό τε γράμμα τὸ κατὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων εἰς ἅπασαν τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ χώραν διαπεμφθὲν καὶ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων ὑπόσχεσιν ἧ τὴν ἀπώλειαν τοῦ ἔθνους ὠνεῖτο" \ ~ , > , f ὃ \ δὲ TEST ek pete se) | mapa τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Αμάνης. δοὺς δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῶν ἐν Σούσοις προτεθέντων κομίσαι τῇ ᾿Ἐσθῆρι, περὶ τούτων δεηθῆναι τοῦ A Maley! βασιλέως ἐνετέλλετο. καὶ σωτηρίας ἕνεκα τοῦ » \ > a ’ a - a : PAD Oe ἂμ ἔθνους μὴ ἀδοξῆσαι λαβεῖν σχῆμα τὰπεινόν, @ παραιτήσεται τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους κινδυνεύοντας. ἀπ- ΄ \ ‘ \ / Age then = ae ολέσθαι- τὸν yap τὴν δευτέραν ἔχοντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τιμὴν ᾿Αμάνην κατηγορήσαντα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων παρωξυγκέναι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν βασιλέα. . ταῦτα ~ ’ ΄ὔ A “-“ “-“ γνοῦσα πέμπει πάλιν πρὸς Μαρδοχαῖον δηλοῦσα ὅτι μήτε κληθείη πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὁ εἰσ- 1 ὠνήσατο ed. pr.: ἠτεῖτο P: comparaverat Αἱ, Π΄΄ 2 Ἐς: καὶ περὶ codd. ᾿ al « Mordecai’s explanation is an unscriptural detail. For a rabbinic parallel ef. Ginzberg iy..419, . τῶν > Cf. txx ᾿Αχραθαῖος ; bibl. Hatach. 422 i eee ΝΣ ΝΝἷ, .. ..... ee gat JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 222-226 the disaster which had been announced to them. But, when certain persons reported to the queen that Mordecai was standing. before the court in this miserable attire, she was troubled by what she heard and sent out men to dress him differently. As he could not, however, be persuaded to take off his sackeloth—for the danger which had compelled him to wear it, he said, was not yet over 7—she called to her the eunuch Achratheos,? who happened to be nearby, and sent him to Mordecai to find out what depressing thing had happened to him that he was in mourning and clothed in that attire, which he would not take off even at her request. Thereupon Mordecai Mordecai explained the reason to the eunuch, which 53S" was the decree against the Jews sent throughout the the Jews. entire country ruled by the king, and the promise meres of the money with which Haman had bought? from the king the destruction of their nation. Then he gave him a copy of the decree published in Susa to take to Esther, and instructed her to petition the king concerning these matters, and for the safety of her nation not to consider it beneath her dignity to put on humble attire in which to intercede for the Jews who wereindanger. For, he said, Haman, who held a place of honour second to the king, had accused the Jews and provoked his anger against them. When she learned these things, she again sent to Mordecai, informing him that she had not been summoned by © Se txx; Heb. “ whom he (the king) had set before her ” (A.V. “ had appointed to attend upon her ”’). @ Variant “ asked.” ¢ The details about Esther's humble attire and Haman’s action are based on the Lxx addition to Est. iv. 8; Heb. has merely “ that she should go into the king to make supplica- tion to him and to make request before him for her people.” _ 423 JOSEPHUS Helwan EpXOpLevos πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄκλητος ἀποθνήσκει, πλὴν εἰ μή τινα σώζειν βουλόμενος προτείνειε τὸν χρυσῆν ῥάβδον" ᾧ ᾧ γὰρ' τοῦτο ποιήσειεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκλήτῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσελθόντι," οὗτος οὐκ ἀποθνήσκει 227 μόνος, ἀλλὰ συγγνώμης τυχὼν σώζεται. Μαρ- δοχαῖὸς δὲ τούτους κομίσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ εὐνούχου παρὰ τῆς ᾿Εσθῆρος τοὺς λόγους. ἀπαγγέλλειν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῇ μὴ τὴν ἰδίαν οὕτω σκοπεῖν σω- τηρίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν κοινὴν τοῦ ἔθνους" εἰ γὰρ ἀμελήσειε τούτου νῦν, ἔσεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ βοήθειαν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πάντως, αὐτὴν δὲ καὶ τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ὀλιγωρηθέντων διαφθαρή- 99g σεσθαι. ἡ δὲ ᾿Εσθὴρ ἐπέστειλε μὲν τῷ Μαρ- δοχαίῳ, τὸν αὐτὸν πέμψασα διάκονον, εἰς Σοῦσα πορευθέντι τοὺς ἐκεῖ ᾿Ιουδαίους εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγεῖν καὶ νηστεῦσαι πάντων ἀποσχομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ ποιήσασα μετὰ τῶν θεραπαινίδων πότε προσελεύσεσθαι" τῷ βασιλεῖ παρὰ τὸν νόμον ὑπισχνεῖτο, κἂν ἀποθανεῖν δέῃ τοῦτο ὑπομενεῖν ὃ ἐ 229 (8) Καὶ Μαρδοχαῖος μὲν κατὰ τὰς τῆς ᾿Εσθῆρος ἐντολὰς τόν Te λαὸν ἐποίησε νηστεῦσαι, καὶ τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸς" ἱκέτευσε" μηδὲ, νῦν ὑπεριδεῖν αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔθνος ἀπολλύμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς καὶ πρότερον͵ αὐτοῦ πολλάκις προενόησε καὶ ἁμαρτόντι συνέγνω, καὶ νῦν αὐτὸ ῥύσασθαι τῆς aie sme re ἀπωλείας" : γὰρ ἂν Ε LAVW. 5 πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσελθόντι FVW Lat.: πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντι LA: προσελθόντι re 3 Niese: ὑπομένειν codd. E. 4 E: αὐτὸν PF: σὺν αὐτοῖς LAW: om. Κ΄, 5 W: ἑκετεῦσαι rell. E Lat. @ Chamonard and Reinach believe that this last sentence, 424 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 226-229 the king and that whoever went in to him without being summoned would die, unless the king, wishing to save him, extended the golden staff to him. For only one to whom the king did so, on his coming in to him without being summoned, obtained pardon and was saved from death. Thereupon Mordecai ordered the eunuch who had brought this message to him from Esther to tell her not to look out for her own safety so much as the common safety of their nation; for if she now neglected them, they would surely receive help from God, while she and her father’s house would be destroyed by those who had been neglected. Thereupon Esther sent the same attendant and instructed Mordecai to go to Susa? and gather the Jews there in assembly, adding that they should fast on her behalf and abstain from all food for three days ; and she promised to do the same together with her maids, and then approach the king in spite of the law and, if she must die, to bear this bravely. (8) ° And so Mordecai in accordance with Esther’s Mordecai instructions made’ the people fast, and himself 4 7305"., supplicated God not to turn away now from His for deliver- nation, which was perishing, but, just as He had Apocr. often before provided for them and forgiven them Esthet when they sinned, so now also to deliver them from (Add. C1) the destruction with which they had been threatened. which seems superfluous, is interpolated from §206. But 7 Josephus is not seldom guilty of needless repetition. δ Josephus forgets that he has already indicated that v Mordecai was in Susa, cf. § 221. In Scripture Esther says, δ gather together all the Jews that are present in Susa.” © The following section, down to § 242, is based on the apocr. additions, Est. xiii. 8-xv. 16. 4 Variant “ with them.” 425 JOSEPHUS 230 οὐδὲ yap ἁμαρτόν τι κινδυνεύειν ἀκλεῶς ἀποθανεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν γὰρ εἰδέναι τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ᾿Αμάνου ὀργῆς, “ὅτι μὴ προσεκύνησα μηδ᾽ ἣν σοί, δέ- σποτα;, ᾿ φησίν, “ τιμὴν παρεῖχον, ταύτην ἐκείνῳ παρασχεῖν ὑπέμενον, ὀργισθεὶς ταῦτα κατὰ τῶν μὴ παραβαινόντων τοὺς σοὺς νόμους ἐμηχανήσατο. 2381 τὰς δ᾽ αὐτὰς ἠφίει καὶ τὸ πλῆθος φωνάς, παρα- καλοῦν προνοῆσαι τὸν θεὸν τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ γῇ" ᾿Ισραηλίτας ἐξελέσθαι τῆς “μελλούσης συμφορᾶς" καὶ γὰρ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτὴν εἶχον ἤδη καὶ προσεδόκων. ἱκέτευε δὲ καὶ ᾿Εσθὴρ τὸν θεὸν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ, ῥίψασα κατὰ 232 τῆς γῆς ἑαυτὴν καὶ πενθικὴν ἐσθῆτα περιθεμένη, καὶ τροφῇ καὶ ποτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἡδέσιν ἀποταξαμένη," τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἤτει τὸν θεὸν ἐλεηθῆναι μὲν αὐτήν, δόξαι δ᾽ ὀφθεῖσαν τῷ βασιλεῖ πιθανὴν μὲν τοὺς λόγους παρακαλοῦσαν, τὸ δὲ εἶδος εὐπρεπεστέραν 238 τῆς τάχιον οὖσαν, ἵν᾽ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ πρὸς τὴν παραίτησιν ὀργῆς, εἴ τι παροξυνθείη πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεύς, χρήσαιτο καὶ πρὸς τὴν συνηγορίαν τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις σαλευόντων, μῖσός τε γενέσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ πρὸς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τῶν 1 εἶναι LAW. "τῇ, γῇ Ῥ: γῇ rell. 3 καὶ τροφῇ. . . ἀποταξαμένη om. PF Va @ Variant ‘* he (Mordecai) was.” > Variant “ every.” ¢ The variant omits. “and. refusing .. . eoinsaits © " these words are, moreover, an addition by | pose ᾿ 4 Or, punctuating differently, as. other translators de we 426 i, i. _/ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 230-233 For, he said, it was not for any sin that they were in peril of being ingloriously put to death, but He knew? the cause of Haman’s anger-—“ because I did not prostrate myself before him nor bring myself to give him the honour which I have given Thee, O Lord, he-was angered and has devised these measures against-those who would not transgress Thy laws.” The same cry went up from the multitude, who be- sought God to provide for their safety and deliver the Israelites in all the ὃ land from the disaster which was about to befall them; for they saw it already before their eyes and were awaiting it. And Esther Esther's too supplicated God in the manner of her country, a throwing herself‘on the ground and putting on a Apocr. mourner’s dress and refusing all food and drink and xiv. 1 (Add comforts : 5 and for three days she begged God 4 to © take pity on her and grant that, when she appeared before the king, her words might seem persuasive as she pleaded, and her person be more beautiful than ever before,° in order that she might use both these means to turn aside the king’s anger if he should be provoked by her in any way, and be.an advocate for her countrymen who were tottering on the brink of disaster, and that the king might be made to feel hatred toward the enemies of the Jews and those might render, “ refusing all food . . . for three days, she begged God,” etc. This rendering might seem to be sup- by the earlier passage, § 228, in which Esther promises fast for 3 days. But here Josephus is probably thinki of the apocr. verse, xv. 1; which says that Esther pray: for 3 days,—so also Josephus writes in § 234. The matter is of no great consequence, perhaps, since the fasting and praying were synchronous, but I believe that here Josephus is laying emphasis on the length of her praying. * According to apocr. Esther, she asks for boldness and eloquence. 2 427 JOSEPHUS” Δ Heil ᾿Ιουδαίων Kai τὴν ἀπώλειαν αὐτοῖς τὴν μέλλουσαν, ἐὰν ὀλιγωρηθῶσιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, κατασκευάσοντας." 294. (0) Ταῦθ᾽ ἱκετεύουσα τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀποδύεται μὲν τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐκείνην καὶ τὸ σχῆμα μεταβάλλει, κοσμησαμένη δ᾽ ὡς ἐχρῆν τὴν βασί- λισσαν σὺν δυσὶν θεραπαίναις, ὧν ἡ μὲν ἐπερειδο- μένην αὐτὴν κούφως ἔφερεν, ἡ. δὲ ἑπομένη τὸ βαθὺ τοῦ ἑνδύματος καὶ μέχρι τῆς γῆς κεχυμένον ἄκροις ἀπῃώρει τοῖς δακτύλοις, ἥκει πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, μεστὴ μὲν τὸ πρόσωπον ἐρυθήματος, προσηνὲς δὲ καὶ σεμνὸν ἐπικειμένη τὸ κάλλος. 235 εἰσήει δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν μετὰ δέους. ὡς δὲ κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ καθεζομένου ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου γίνεται τὸν βασιλικὸν περικειμένου κόσμον (οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ἐκ ποικίλης μὲν ἐσθῆτος, χρυσοῦ δὲ καὶ λίθου 236 πολυτελοῦς), φοβερώτερον καὶ δι᾿ αὐτὰ μᾶλλον θεασαμένη καί τι. κἀκείνου προσιδόντος . αὐτὴν ἀπηνέστερον καὶ διακεκαυμένῳ" ὑπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς τῷ προσώπῳ, πάρεσις αὐτὴν Ἃ εὐθὺς ὑπὸ δέους ᾿ λαμβάνει 281 καὶ τοῖς παρὰ πλευρὸν οὖσιν" ἀχανὴς ἐπέπεσεν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς κατὰ βούλησιν οἶμαι τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν μετέβαλε καὶ δείσας περὶ τῇ γυναικί, μὴ καὶ πάθῃ τι τῶν χειρόνων ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου, 238 ἀνεπήδησεν ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου, καὶ ταῖς ἀγκάλαις αὐτὴν ὑπολαβὼν ἀνεκτᾶτο, κατασπαζόμενός. τε καὶ προσομιλῶν ἡδέως καὶ θαρρεῖν παρακαλῶν καὶ 1 κατασκευάσοντος A: κατασκευάσαντος P: κατασκευάσαντας FLAW: κατασκευάσαντα V. 3 διακεκαλυμμένῳ PFV. 3 ταῖς. . . οὔσαις ex Lat, conj. Hudson, 428 | se νοῦ. —a oe la, ee ”, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 233-238 who would, if the Jews were treated disdainfully by him, bring about the destruction that threatened them.* -(9) When she had supplicated God in this manner Esther for three days, she took off the dress which she was hose jad wearing and changed her attire, adorning herself aie as became the queen, and with her two maids, ee 4 whom one lightly supported her as she leaned on her, (444. D 1). and the other, following, lifted with the tips of her fingers the train of her robe which fell in folds on the ground, she came to the king; and, although her face was covered with blushes, she was adorned with a sweet and dignified beauty. It was with fear, however, that she went in to him. For, when she came into his presence, he was sitting on the throne in his royal apparel—this consisted of a variegated robe adorned with gold and precious stones—which made him seem to her more terrible; and also because he looked at her rather forbiddingly and with a countenance burning? with anger, she sud- denly became faint with fear and fell senseless at the feet "of those who stood beside her. But the king, by the will of God, I believe,° changed his feeling and, fearing that his wife might haye suffered some very serious injury through her fear, he leaped from his throne and raised her in his arms and brought her back to consciousness, embracing her and speaking to her endearingly and urging her to take heart and - Josephus greatly abridges Esther’s prayer as given in the apocrypha. > The arian “uncovered ᾿ is obviously corrupt, ¢f. txx πεπυρωμένον : © Josephus’s expression * “1 believe ᾿ is curious in view of ἢ the plain statement of his source (a Est.) that “God | changed the spirit of the king into mildness.” ~~ 429 JOSEPHUS μηδὲν ὑποπτεύειν σκυθρωπόν, ὅτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄκλητος ἔλθοι: τὸν γὰρ νόμον τοῦτον πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηκόους κεῖσθαι, τὴν δὲ ὁμοίως. αὐτῷ βασι: 239 \evovoav πᾶσαν ἔχειν ἄδεϊαν. ταῦτα λέγων τὸ σκῆπτρον αὐτῆς ἐνετίθει τῇ χειρὶ καὶ τὴν ῥάβδον ἐξέτεινεν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐχένα αὐτῆς διὰ τὸν νόμον, 240 εὐλαβείας αὐτὴν ἀπολύων. ἡ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων ἀνα- ζωπυρήσασα, “ ᾿ δέσποτα, εἶπεν, “ οὐκ ἔχω σοι τὸ αἰφνίδιον τοῦ συμβεβηκότος μοι ῥᾳδίως εἰπεῖν" ὡς γὰρ εἶδόν. σε μέγαν καὶ καλὸν καὶ φοβερόν, εὐθὺς ὑπεχώρει μοι τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ κατελειπόμην 241 ὑπὸ τῆς ψυχῆς. μόλις δ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ ταῦτα φθεγγομένης καὶ μετὰ ἀσθενείας, αὐτόν τε ἀγωνία καὶ ταραχὴ κατελάμβανε καὶ τὴν ᾿Εσθῆρα εὐ- ψυχεῖν καὶ τὰ κρείττω προσδοκᾶν παρεθάρρυνεν, ὡς αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ ἡμίση τῆς βασιλείας, εἰ δέοιτο 242 τούτων, παραχωρήσοντος αὐτῇ. ἡ δὲ ᾿Εσθὴρ ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν αὐτὸν μετὰ ᾿Αμάνου τοῦ φίλου πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐλθεῖν ἠξίωσεν" παρεσκευακέναι γὰρ αὐτὴν δεῖπνον ἔλεγεν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐπένευσε καὶ παρῆσαν, μεταξὺ πίνων τὴν ᾿Εσθῆρα ἐκέλευσε δηλοῦν αὐτῷ τί 943 βούλεται" μηδενὸς γὰρ ἀτυχήσειν,, μηδ᾽ ἂν. τὸ μέρος τῆς βασιλείας ἐθελήσῃ λαβεῖν. ἡ δὲ εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀνεβάλετο" φράζειν αὐτῷ τὴν αὐτῆς βούλησιν, εἰ πάλιν ἔλθοι πρὸς αὐτὴν μετὰ ᾿Αμάνου ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν. ᾿ 244 (10) Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ὑποσχομένου ὁ ᾿Αμάνης ἐξῆλθε περιχαρὴς ἐπὶ τῷ μόνον ἠξιῶσθαι συν- ευπνεῖν τῷ “βασιλεῖ παρὰ τῇ ᾿Εσθῆρι, καὶ ὅτι μηδεὶς τοσαύτης ἄλλος τυγχάνει παρὰ τοῖς βασι- 1 Niese: ἀνεβάλλετο codd, E, 430 »- ΧΑ Συ ΦΉΝ EE ae i, ὦ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 238-244 not to apprehend a gloomy fate because she had come to. him without being summoned ; for this law, he said, applied to his subjects, but she, who ruled equally with himself, had complete security. So saying he placed his sceptre in her hand and held out his staff over her bowed head @ in accordance with the law, and thus freed her from anxiety. Through these acts she revived and said, ““ My Lord, it is not easy for me to tell you what suddenly came over me, for, so soon as I saw you looking so great and handsome and terrible; my spirit failed me and I was left with- out life’ But, as she uttered these words with difficulty and weakly, anguish and alarm seized him, and he encouraged Esther to be of good cheer and to hope for the best, for, he said, he would grant her even half of the kingdom if she desired it. There- gsther upon Esther requested him to come to her with his invites the king and friend Haman to be entertained, for, she said, she Haman toa had prepared a banquet. He consented, and so they came ; and, while he was drinking, he asked Esther to tell him what it was that she wished, for there was nothing, he ‘said, which she could not obtain, even if she wished to have half the kingdom. But she put off telling him her wish until the following day, if he would come to her again with his friend Haman to be entertained. —~ τ banquet. Esther v. 4. (10) When the king had promised this, Haman Haman went out rejoicing that he alone had been thought plans to crucify worthy to dine with the king at Esther’s palace and Mordecai. that no one else had obtained a similar honour from ™ 4 It is not clear why Josephus distinguishes between a sceptre and a staff, since the apocr. Est. mentions only one goles staff (or sceptre, so Luc.) which the king “laid on er neck, 431 ‘ther v. 9. JOSEPHUS § τ Π λεῦσι τιμῆς. ἰδὼν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ Μαρδοχαῖον ὑπερηγανάκτησεν" οὐδὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ 245 θεασαμένου πρὸς τιμὴν ἐγένετο. καὶ i παρελθὼν. πρὸς αὑτὸν" τὴν γυναῖκα Ζάρασαν" ἐκάλεσε καὶ τοὺς φίλους. ὧν παρόντων διηγεῖτο τὴν τιμὴν ἧς οὐ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπολαύοι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τῆς βασιλίσσης" καὶ γὰρ σήμερον ὡς δειπνήσειε παρ᾽ αὐτῇ μόνος σὺν τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ κληθείη 246 πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν. ἔλεγέ τε μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι Μαρδοχαῖον ὁ ὁρῶντα ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τὸν ᾿Ιουδαῖον. τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ _Zapdoas εἰπούσης κελεῦσαι ξύλον κοπῆναι πηχῶν ἑξήκοντα" καὶ πρωὶ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλ έως αἰτησάμενον ἀνασταυρῶσαι τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον, ἐ ἐπαινέσας τὴν γνώμην προσέταξε τοῖς οἰκέταις ξύλον ἑτοιμασαμένους στῆσαι τοῦτο ἐν 247 τῇ αὐλῇ πρὸς τιμωρίαν Μαρδοχαίου. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἦν ἕτοιμον: ὃ δὲ θεὸς κατεγέλα τῆς ᾿Αμάνου πονηρᾶς. ἐλπίδος καὶ τὸ συμβησόμενον εἰδὼς ἐτέρπετο τῷ γενησομένῳ: τοῦ γὰρ βασιλέως διὰ 248 νυκτὸς ἐκείνης ἀφαιρεῖται τὸν. ὕπνον. (a > οὐ βουλόμενος ἀργῶς ἀπολέσαι τὴν ἀγρυπνίαν, ἀλλ᾽ εἴς τι τῶν τῇ βασιλείᾳ. διαφερόντων αὐτὴν. ἀνα- λῶσαι, τὸν γραμματέα κομίσαντα καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων τὰ ὑπομνήματα καὶ τῶν ἰδίων 249 πράξεων ἀναγινώσκειν | αὐτῷ προσέταξεν. κομί- σαντος δὲ καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντος εὑρέθη τις δι 1 πρὸς αὑτὸν Hudson: ἔσω πρὸς αὐτὸν LAW: πρὸς αὐτὸν rell.: ἔσω ΠΩ 2 WE Lat.: Τάζαγαν: ες Tdfacay rel. 3 πεντήκοντα WE Lat. Amplification of Scripture. > Variants Gazasa, Gazaga; bibl. Zeresh, txx ΕΗ ¢ Variant 50, as in Scripture. 432 ee —— , “Ὁ ΧΑ" ens he . «--ο--Ἐςς.. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 244-949 any of the kings.* But, when he saw Mordecai in the court, he was highly indignant, for no honour was shown him by Mordecai when he saw him, And, when he came home, he called Zarasa,® his wife, and his friends, and in their presence told of the honour which he enjoyed not only from the king but from the queen as well, for, he said, he had that day dined at her palace alone with the king and had been invited again for the following day. He also said that he was not pleased at seeing the Jew Mor- decai in the court. Then Zarasa, his wife, told him to order a tree sixty * cubits high to be cut down, and in the morning ask the king for leave to crucify Mordecai; and he praised her plan and ordered his servants to make the gallows ready and set it up in the court for the punishment of Mordecai. And so it was prepared. But God mocked Haman’s wicked hopes, and knowing what was to happen, re- joiced at the event.? For that night He deprived Artaxerses the king of sleep,° and, as he did not wish to waste his W250", wakeful hours in idleness but to use them for some- loyalty. | thing of importance to his kingdom,’ he commanded **"* * his scribe to bring him both the records of the kings _ who were before him and those of his own deeds,’ and © read them to him. And so, when he had brought them and was reading them, it was found that a certain man as a reward for his bravery on one occa- 4 This sentence is an addition to Scripture, probably suggested by the xx of Est. vi. 1, cf. following note. *¢ So txx; Heb., not mentioning God, has “ That night the king could not sleep.” For rabbinic legends about the curious means used by God to keep the king awake see Ginzberg iy. 433. Ἁ J * Unseriptural detail. ° : ? Bibl. “ The book of records (lit. “* memorial”) of the chronicles.” 433 JOSEPHUS ἀριστείαν. ἔν τινι γέρας εἰληφὼς χώραν, ἧς καὶ τὸ ὄνομα ἐγέγραπτο. ἕτερον δὲ διὰ πίστιν τετυχηκότα δωρεᾶς μηνύων ἦλθε καὶ ἐπὶ Βαγαθῶον' καὶ Θεοδέστην τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύσαντας εὐνούχους τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὧν μηνυτὴς Μαρδοχαῖος ἦν γεγενημένος. 250 φράσαντος δὲ τοῦτο μόνον τοῦ γραμματέως καὶ μεταβαίνοντος εἰς ἑτέραν πρᾶξιν ἐπέσχεν. ὁ βασι- λεὺς πυνθανόμενος εἰ μὴ ἔχει γέρας αὐτῷ δοθὲν ἀναγεγραμμένον. ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἔφη μηδὲν εἶναι, κελεύσας ἡσυχάζειν, τίς εἴη τῆς νυκτὸς ὥρα παρὰ τῶν ἐπὶ 251 τούτῳ τεταγμένων ἐπυνθάνετο. μαθὼν δ᾽, ὡς ὄρθρος ἐστὶν ἤδη, προσέταξε τῶν φίλων ὃν ἂν πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς εὕρωσιν ἤδη παρόντα τοῦτον αὐτῷ δηλοῦν. ἔτυχέ τε ὥστε ᾿Αμάνην εὑρεθῆναι" θᾶττον γὰρ τῆς συνήθους ὥρας ἐληλύθει. περὶ τοῦ Μαρ- 252 δοχαίου θανάτου δεησόμενος αὐτοῦ. τῶν οὖν θεραπόντων εἰπόντων ὅτι ᾿Αμάνης εἴη πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν εἰσκαλέσαι. εἰσελθόντος ee on .. δέ, “ didov,” εἶπεν, “εἰδὼς ἐμαυτῷ σὲ όνον : μ μ εὔνουν συμβουλεῦσαί μοι παρακαλῶ πῶς ἂν τιμή- σαιμί τινα στεργόμενον ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ σφόδρα τῆς 253 ἐμαυτοῦ μεγαλοφροσύνης ἀξίως." ὁ δὲ ᾿Αμάνης ογισάμενος ἣν ἂν δῷ γνώμην. ἈΝ δώσειν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ (φιλεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως μόνον), ἣν ᾧετο ἀρίστην εἶναι ταύτην φανερὰν 1 LV (cf. supra 8 207): Γαβαθῶον FW: Ταβαταῖον rell.: Gabatheum Liat. « The reading of these two instances of merit is an un- scriptural detail. » Variants Gabathdos, Gabataios; bibl. Bigthana, ef. § 207 note ὁ. ¢ Bibl. Teresh, ef. § 207 note a. 4 The preceding (from ‘‘ whereupon the king told him to be quiet”) is an amplification of Est. vi. 4, “ And the king 434 β JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 249-253 sion had received some land, the name of which was also written. Then, in mentioning another who had received a gift for his loyalty,? he also came to Bagathdos ὃ and Theodestés,° the eunuchs who had plotted against the king and against whom: Mor- decai had informed. As the scribe merely said so much and was passing on to another incident, the king stopped him and inquired whether he did not find it written down that a reward had been given to this man. The scribe said that there was nothing, whereupon the king told him to stop, and. in- quired of those who were charged with this duty what hour of the night it was: And, when he learned that it was already morning, he commanded them to announce to him any of his friends whom they might find already waiting before the court.¢ Now it ed that Haman was found there, for he had . come before the usual hour® to make his request of him. concerning the death of Mordecai. And so, when the servants said that Haman was before the court, he ordered them to call him in, and, when he came, said, ““ Knowing that you are the only friend loyal to me,’ I beg you to advise me how in a manner Haman - unwittingly advises the worthy of my magnanimity I should honour one Εἶπε how to greatly cherished by me.” Thereupon Haman, re- flecting that whatever opinion he gave he would be giving in his own behalf, since, he thought, he was the only one loved by the king, expressed that opinion said, who is in the court,” probably suggested by the Luc. additions to this verse and vs. 2, which mention the king’s silent reflections on his treatment of Mordecai and the fact that it was morning. 4 Cf. Lue. ( Apay δὲ ὠρθρίκει λαλῆσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ) ; Heb. and utxx do not specify the time of day when Haman appeared. 7 This statement is an addition to Scripture. 435 honour Mordecai. Esther vi. 6. 254 JOSEPHUS. ἐποίησεν. εἶπεν yap, “εἰ βούλοιο τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὃν φὴς ἀγαπᾶν δόξῃ περιβαλεῖν, ποίησον ἐφ᾽ ἵππου βαδίζειν τὴν αὐτὴν ἐσθῆτά σοι φοροῦντα καὶ περιαυχένιον χρυσοῦν ἔχοντα ‘Kat mpodyovra τῶν ἀναγκαίων φίλων ἕ ἕνα κηρύσσειν. δι᾿ ὅλης τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι ταύτης τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς ὃν ἂν ὁ 255 βασιλεὺς τιμήσῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αμάνης ταῦτα 256 257 συνεβούλευσεν, οἰόμενος εἰς αὑτὸν ἥξειν τοῦτο, τὸ γέρας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἡσθεὶς τῇ παραινέσει προελθών, φησίν, “ ἔχεις γὰρ καὶ τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὴν στολὴν καὶ τὸν στρεπτόν, ἐπιζήτησον Μαρδοχαῖον τὸν ᾿Ιουδαῖον καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνῳ δοὺς κήρυττε" προάγων αὐτοῦ τὸν ἵππον, σὺ γάρ, ᾿ ἔφη, “μοι φίλος ἀναγκαῖος, ἴσθι διάκονος ὧν. χρηστὸς σύμβουλος ἐγένου. ταῦτα δὲ αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔσται σώσαντί μου τὴν ψυχήν. τούτων ἀκούσας παρὰ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα τὴν διάνοιαν συνεσχέθη" ‘Kal πληγεὶς ὑπὸ ἀμηχανίας ἔξεισιν ἄγων τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὴν πορφύραν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν περιαυχένιον, καὶ τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον εὑρὼν πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς σάκκον ἐνδεδυμένον ἐκέλευσεν ἀποθέμενον ἐνδύσασθαι τὴν πορφύραν. ὁ δὲ οὐκ εἰδὼς τἀληθές, ἀλλὰ χλευά- ζεσθαι νομίζων “ὦ κάκιστε πάντων ἀνθρώπων,᾽ εἶπεν, “΄ οὕτως ἡμῶν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ἐπεγγελᾷς";᾽ i πεισθεὶς δ᾽ ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ γέρας τοῦτ᾽ εἴη 1 κήρυττε om. PF Lat. E 2 Niese: συνεχέθη W: συνεχύθη rell. 3 ἐπιγελᾷς FLAVE: ἐγγελᾷς W Zonaras. @ The “necklace of gold”’ is a substitution for the “ royal crown ” of Scripture (Heb. ; Lxx and Lue. omit), Est. vi. 8. Possibly it is a reminiscence of the her necklace given to Daniel as a reward, cf. Ant. x. 240. For rabbinic oe tions of this passage in Scripture ef. Ginzberg iv. 435 436 ἡ we oe ve JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 254-257 which he believed to be the best and said, ‘‘ If you wish to cover with glory the man whom you say you love, let him ride on horseback wearing the same dress as yourself, with a necklace of gold,* and let one of your close friends precede him and proclaim through- out the whole city that this is the honour shown to him whom the king honours.” Such, then, was the advice that Haman gave in the belief that this re- ward would come to him, But the king, being pleased with his counsel, said, “ Go forth, for you have the horse and the robe and the chain, and look for the Jew Mordecai and give him these things and walk before his horse, proclaiming your news,” for,” he added, “ since you are my close friend, you shall be the one to carry out those things about which you have given good counsel. This shall be his reward from us for having saved my life.”"* When Haman heard these words, which were contrary to all his expectations, he was oppressed ¢ in spirit and stricken with helplessness,’ but went out, taking the horse and the purple robe and the necklace of gold ; and, when he found Mordecai before the court clothed in sackcloth, he told him to take it off and put on the purple robe. But the other, not knowing the true state of things and thinking that he was being mocked, said, “‘ O basest of all men, is this the way make sport of our misfortunes?” But, when e was convinced that the king had given him this ὃ The variant omits “ proclaiming your news.” * Josephus here amplifies somewhat. 4 Variant “* confused.” * So Lue. ; Heb. and txx do not describe Haman’s state of mind. Rabbinic tradition naturally dwells on his dis- appointment at some length, cf. Ginzberg iv. 436 f. VOL. VI P 437 JOSEPHUS — Wal x > A “-“ , Δ 4 Ων, δεδωκὼς ἀντὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἣν αὐτῷ παρέσχε τοὺς τότε' ἐπιβουλεύσαντας εὐνούχους ἐλέγξας, ἐνδύεται τὴν πορφύραν ἣν ὁ βασιλεὺς φορῶν ἀεὶ διετέλει, 258 Kal περιτίθεται τὸ περιαυχένιον, καὶ ἐπιβὰς ἐ ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἐν κύκλῳ περιήει τὴν πόλιν ᾿Αμάνου. προ- ἄγοντος καὶ κηρύσσοντος ὅτι τοῦτ᾽ ἔσται παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ὧ" av στέρξῃ καὶ τιμῆς ἄξιον δοκι- 969 μάσῃ. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκπεριῆλθον τὴν πόλιν, 6 μὲν αρδοχαῖος εἴσεισι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, ᾿Αμάνης δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αἰσχύνης πρὸς αὑτὸν παραγίνεται καὶ μετὰ δακρύων τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις τὰ συμ- βεβηκότα διηγεῖτο. οἱ δ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἀμύνασθαι τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον ἔλεγον δυνήσεσθαι: τὸν γὰρ θεὸν ee σὺν αὐτῷ. 260 (11) Ταῦτα δὲ τούτων ἔτι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὅμι- λούντων ἧκον οἱ τῆς ᾿Εσθήρος εὐνοῦχοι τὸν 2601 ᾿Αμάνην ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐπισπεύδοντες. Σαβου- χάδας" δὲ τῶν εὐνούχων εἷς ἰδὼν τὸν σταυρὸν ἐν τῆ ᾿Αμάνου οἰκίᾳ πεπηγότα, ὃν ἐπὶ Μαρδοχαῖον παρεσκευάκεισαν, καὶ πυθόμενος παρά τινος τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐπὶ τίνα τοῦτον εἴησαν ἑτοιμασάμενοι, γνοὺς ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς βασιλίσσης θεῖον (τὸν γὰρ ᾿Αμάνην μέλλειν αὐτὸν αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως 262 πρὸς τιμωρίαν) ieee μὲν ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν. ὡς δὲ ὁ ποτὲ LAW: om, PE. Ἅ rier ig ὃν codd.: τῷ ὃν E. 8 ᾿ῬΑβουχαδᾶς LV: ἙἙρμωνᾶς Σαβουχάνης Ε. * Mordecai’s suspicion of Haman’s intentions is ἃ detail found in Lue. but not in Heb. or txx, Est. vi. 11. For rab- binic parallels to the Luc. addition ¢/. Ginzberg iy. 437 ff. » Bibl. “ through the square (A.V. “ street”) of the city.” ° Heb. “hastened to his home, mourning and with covered head,” Lxx . . - λυπούμενος κατὰ κεφαλῆς “ dis- 488 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 257-262 reward for having saved his life by revealing the eunuchs’ earlier conspiracy,*? he put on the purple robe which the king always uséd to wear, placed the chain round his neck and, mounting the horse, went the round of the city with Haman going before him and proclaiming that this should be the reward given by the king to him whom he cherished and held worthy of honour. And, when they had gone the complete round of the city,? Mordecai went in to the king, while Haman went home in disgrace, and with tears © related to his wife and friends what had hap- pened. But they said that he would no longer be able to avenge himself on Mordecai, for God was with him. (11) While they were still talking together of Esther these things, the eunuchs of Esther ¢ came to hasten j200"° Haman’s coming to the banquet. But Sabiichadas, the king. one of the eunuchs, seeing the cross that had been set 41. up at Haman’s house and prepared for Mordecai, inquired of one of the servants for whom they had made this ready, and, learning that it was for the queen's uncle, for the time being held his. peace. tressed in his head,” Luc... . ἐσκυθρωπωμένος “ with downcast μ΄ features.” * So rxx and Luc.; Heb. omits the reference to God, thereby leaving Haman’s predicted failure unexplained. * Heb. “eunuchs of the king,” txx “ eunuchs,” Luc. “ someone.” * Variant (in § 266) Sabizanés; bibl. Harbonah (Har*bénah), uxx ἄν, Luc. Γαβουθάς. Josephus’s form is apparently a further corruption of the Luc. form. The eunuch is not mentioned at this point (vi. 14) in Scripture, “ but farther on in vii. 9, after Haman is denounced by Esther and the king is ready to execute him. Josephus’s rearrange- ment necessitates the addition of the detail “ for the time being held his peace,” as well as that of the eunuch’s inquiry of Haman’s seryant. 439 JOSEPHUS βασιλεὺς μετὰ τοῦ ᾿Αμάνου εὐωχηθεὶς ἠξίου τὴν βασίλισσαν λέγειν αὐτῷ τίνος βούλεται παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ" δωρεᾶς ἐπιτυχεῖν, ὡς ληψομένην οὗπερ ἂν ἐπι- θυμίαν ἔχῃ, τὸν τοῦ λαοῦ κίνδυνον ἀπωδύρετο καὶ πρὸς ἀπώλειαν ἔλεγε μετὰ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐκδεδόσθαι, 268 διὸ καὶ ποιεῖσθαι περὶ τούτων τοὺς λόγους" οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἠνωχληκέναι. αὐτῷ, εἰ πρὸς δουλείαν πικρὰν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς ἀπεμποληθῆναι" μέτριον γὰρ τοῦτο τὸ κακόν" παρεκάλει τε τούτων “ἀπαλλαγῆναι. 264 ἐρωτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ “βασιλέως ὑ ὑπὸ τίνος εἴη ταῦτα γεγενημένα, κατηγόρει τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη i Ha τοῦ ᾿Αμάνου καὶ τοῦτον ὄντα πονηρὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς 265 κατεσκευακέναι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἤλεγχεν." Tapange θέντος δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἀναπηδή σαντος εἰς τοὺς κήπους ἐκ τοῦ συμποσίου, τῆς ᾿Εσθήρος 6 ᾿Αμάνης ἤρξατο δεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν συγγνῶναι τῶν ἡμαρτημένων: συνῆκε γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐν κακοῖς ὦν: ἐπί τε τῆς κλίνης αὐτοῦ πεσόντος καὶ τὴν βασίλισσαν παρακαλοῦντος ἐπεισελθὼν 6 βασι- λεὺς καὶ εΤρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἔτι μᾶλλον παροξυνθεὶς εἶπεν, “ὦ κάκιστε πάντων," καὶ βιάζεσθαί μου τὴν 1 παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ om. PFVE. 2 ἠλέγχθαι LAW. 3 πάντων ἀνθρώπων W. * Scripture states that the king made this offer on the 2nd day of the banquet. » This is Josephus’s original interpretation of the obscure latter part of Est. vii. 4 (after ‘‘ But if we had been sold for bondmen and bondwomen”’), which A.V. translates, “1 had held my tongue although the enemy could not countervail the king’s damage ” ; txx “1 have disregarded it, for the adversary is not worthy of the king’s court” ; Lue. “1 did not wish to r oe pote it that I might not grieve my lord, for it has happened that the man who wronged us 440 Se ee ee eee ee JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 262-265 Now, when the king, as he was feasting with Haman, asked the queen to tell him what gift she wished to obtain from him, saying that she should receive what- ever she had a desire for,* she began to lament the danger in which her people were placed and said that she had been marked for destruction together with her nation, and for this reason she was address- ing him on these matters ; for, she added, she would not have troubled him if he had ordered them to be sold into bitter slavery—that would be an endurable evil °—and she begged to be delivered from this fate. When the king asked by whom these things had been done, it only remained for her to accuse Haman openly and show that he in his wickedness had formed the plot against them. But after the king in his perturbation’ at this statement had rushed from the banquet-hall into the garden, Haman began to beg and entreat Esther to pardon his offences, for he perceived that he was in serious trouble. And he fell on the queen’s couch and was entreating her when the king came in upon him and, being still more incensed at this sight, exclaimed, “Ὁ basest of all men,? are you even trying to violate has been removed (perazecciv)”; Targ. “1 would have to the damage of the king,”’ which seems to mean, as Ibn ἢ been silent, for the o oppressor is not of value and profit / ? Ezra explains, that Esther considered the enslavement of the Jews endurable so, long as the king did not suffer thereby. ¢ The king’s perturbation at this point is mentioned in Heb. and Luc. But not in txx, which, however, uses the same word (ἐταράχθη) as does Josephus here, to describe Haman’s state of mind. The Targum explains that the king rushed into the garden in a fury because he saw Haman’s sons (really angels impersonating them) cutting down his trees. . 4 This epithet is an unscriptura] detail. 441 7 a 266 267 268 269 JOSEPHUS a > - ΕΣ > , A A “- γυναῖκα ἐπιχειρεῖς; Αμάνου δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο / A \ ΝΜ / καταπλαγέντος Kat μηδὲν ἔτι φθέγξασθαι δυνη- ,ὔ 4 ,ἷ ε ᾽ “- Ἁ θέντος, καὶ Σαβουχάδας ὁ εὐνοῦχος παρελθὼν ~ > ~ κατηγόρει τοῦ ᾿Αμάνου ὡς εὕροι σταυρὸν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ παρεσκευασμένον ἐπὶ Μαρδοχαῖον: τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ πυνθανομένῳ τὸν οἰκέτην εἰπεῖν, Ὁ / ΕἸ ‘ y EN ‘ - » ‘ > ὅτε καλέσων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἔλθοι πρὸς αὐτόν. εἶναι δὲ τὸν σταυρὸν ἔλεγεν ἑξήκοντα πήχεων τὸ “ « \ \ > 7 >. » , ὕψος. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας οὐκ ἄλλῃ τιμωρίᾳ περιβάλλειν ἔκρινε τὸν ᾿Αμάνην ἢ τῇ κατὰ Μαρδο- χαίου" νενοημένῃ, καὶ κελεύει παραχρῆμα αὐτὸν ἐξ᾽ ἐκείνου τοῦ σταυροῦ κρεμασθέντα ἀποθανεῖν. ὅθεν >? / / \ a 4, \ A a ἐπέρχεταί μοι τὸ θεῖον θαυμάζειν καὶ τὴν σοφίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ δικαιοσύνην καταμανθάνειν, μὴ μόνον τὴν ᾿Αμάνου κολάσαντος πονηρίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν κατ Ak ἄλλου μεμηχανημένην τιμωρίαν ταύτην ἐκείνου ποιήσαντος εἶναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις μαθεῖν οὕτως καὶ γνῶναι" παρεσχηκότος ὡς ἃ Kal? ἑτέρου τις παρ- eoxevace ταῦτα λανθάνει καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρῶτον ἑτοιμασάμενος. » / A > > / ~ A - (12) Αμάνης μεν οὖν ἀμετρήτως Τῇ παρα τοῦ βασιλέως χρώμενος τιμῇ τοῦτον διεφθάρη τὸν τρόπον, τὴν δὲ οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ ἐχαρίσατο τῇ βασι- λίσσῃ. Μαρδοχαῖον δὲ προσκαλεσάμενος (καὶ γὰρ ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῷ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγένειαν ᾿Εσθήρ) ὃν ἔδωκεν ᾿Αμάνῃ δακτύλιον τοῦτον Μαρδοχαίῳ 1 πεντήκοντα PFWVE Lat., ef. § 246, 2 ed. pr.: Μαρδοχαῖον codd, 3 ἐπ LAWE. 4 καὶ γνῶναι conj. Hudson: γνῶναι codd. 442 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 266-269 my wife?” At this Haman was overcome and un- able to utter any further sound,* and then came the eunuch Sabiichadas® and accused Haman, saying that he had found a cross at his house prepared for Mordecai. For this was what the servant had told him in answer to his inquiry, when he had come to Haman to summon him to the banquet. And the cross, he said, was sixty © cubits in height. When Haman’s the king heard this, he decided to inflict on Haman — no other punishment than that which had been de- =sthervii.9 vised against Mordecai, and ordered him at once to be hanged on that very same cross till he was dead. Wherefore I am moved to marvel at the Deity and to recognize His wisdom and justice, for not only did He punish Haman’s wickedness but also caused the penalty which had been contrived against another to fall upon Haman himself, and thus He has given others an opportunity to learn and know that what- ever mischief a man prepares against another, he has, without knowing it, first stored up for himself.? (12) In this manner, then, was Haman destroyed Satanenene through having made unconscionable=use of his Esther and position of honour with the king ; as for his property, Mordecai. the king presented it to the queen. Then he sum- viii. 1. moned Mordecai—for Esther had revealed to the king her kinship to him—and gave him ἐπα ring which he had formerly given to Haman. And the * Heb. “ And Haman’s face was covered’ (Targ. adds “with shame”), txx “his face changed”; Lue. has something quite different, “‘ let Haman be led away and not live.”’ - > Bibl. Harbonah, ef. ὃ 261 note αὶ * Variant 50, cf. § 246 note c. 4 For similar examples of Josephus’s moralizing ef. Ant. 2— vii. 37 ff., viii. 251 ff., 300 ff., 418 ff., x. 277 ££, 443 JOSEPHUS 270 δίδωσι. δωρεῖται δὲ καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα Μαρδοχαίῳ τὴν ᾿Αμάνου κτῆσιν καὶ δεῖται τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπ- ἀλλάξαι τοῦ περὶ τῆς ζωῆς φόβου τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος, δηλοῦσα τὰ γραφέντα κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν ὑπὸ ᾿Αμάνου τοῦ ᾿Αμαδάθου" τῆς γὰρ πατρίδος αὐτῆς" διαφθαρείσης καὶ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἀπολο- μένων οὐκ ἂν ὑπομένειν τὸν βίον. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὑπέσχετο μηδὲν ἄχαρι αὐτῇ μη nd οἷς ἐσπούδακεν" ἐναντίον ἔσεσθαι, γράφειν δὲ ἃ ἃ βούλεται προσέταξε περὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐκείνην ἐκ τοῦ βασ έως ὀνό- ματος καὶ σημηναμένην αὐτοῦ τῇ σφραγῖδι. πέμπειν εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλείαν" τοὺς γὰρ ᾿ἀναγνωσο- μένους τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ σημαντῆρος. ἦσφα- λισμένας ἐπιστολὰς οὐδὲν περὶ τῶν ἐγγεγραμμένων 272 ἐναντιώσεσθαι. μεταπεμφθέντας οὖν τοὺς ἐ- λικοὺς γραμματεῖς ἐκέλευσε γράφειν τοῖς ἔθνεσι ὑπὲρ" τῶν. ᾿Ιουδαίων τοῖς τε οἰκονόμοις. καὶ ἄρ- χουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰνδικῆς ἕ ἕως τῆς Αἰθιοπίας ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιεπτὰ σατραπειῶν ἡγουμένοις. τὰ δὲ γρα- 218 φέντα τοῦτον ἔχει. τὸν τρόπον" ᾿ βασιλεὺς. μέγας ᾿Αρταξέρξης τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα φρονοῦσι ie ΣΕ Mi Be « δ' ἑ χαίρειν. πολλοὶ διὰ μέγεθος εὐεργεσίας καὶ τιμῆς, [ ἣν δι’ ὑπερβολὴν χρηστότητος τῶν παρεχόντων Ξ αὐτῇ LAVW. 2 αὐτῇ μηδ᾽ ols ἐσπούδακεν Naber: αὐτὴν μηδ᾽ (μ μὴ δι᾿ L) ols ἐσπούδακεν LAW: αὐτοῖς ἐσπουδακέναι μηδ᾽ ols ἐσπουδακέναι μηδ᾽ οἷς βούλεται V. περὶ αὐτῇ α Scripture does not say that Esther showed Haman’s letter to the king. 5 Text slightly uncertain and emended. ¢ Josephus omits the date of the ne of the pele tion, given in Est. viii. 9. 444. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 270-273 queen also made. a present to Mordecai of Haman’s possessions, and begged the king to deliver those of the Jewish nation from fear for their lives, as she showed him the letter sent throughout the whole country by Haman, the son of Amadathos.* For, she said, if her native land were destroyed and her countrymen perished, she could not bear to live. Thereupon the king promised that nothing should be done to distress her nor any opposition be made to what she strove after,? and he commanded her to write what she pleased concerning the Jews in the king’s name, mark it with his seal and send it throughout the whole kingdom. For, he said, those who read the letters secured by the royal seal would in no way oppose what was written in them. Ac- cordingly, he sent for the royal scribes and ordered them to write 5 on behalf ὦ of the Jews to the nations and stewards and governors 5 who ruled over the hundred and twenty-seven satrapies from India to Ethiopia: Now the letters read as follows.‘ “‘ Arta- xerxes the great king to the governors and those The king’s who are friendly to us, greeting. Many men, be- fron of cause of the greatness of the benefits and honour the Jews. which they have enjoyed through the exceeding ssther xvi 1 “4 One as. “ concerning.” * Josephus’s terms “ stewards and governors’ are based ON LXX οἰκονόμοις καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν τῶν σατραπῶν rendering , Heb. “ahasdarp*nim w'tha-pahéth w*t-sadré hammé*dinéth ν “satraps and governors and chiefs of provinces” (A.V. “ lieutenants and deputies and rulers of the provinces ᾽ἢ. 7 The text of the letter following (§§ 273-283) is a close paraphrase of the apocr. Esther, addition E (xvi. 1-24), which also forms the basis of the decree given in the late Targum (there are two Targums to Esther); for a translation — of this ef. Ginzberg iv. 445 ff. 445 274 275 276 277 JOSEPHUS ἐκαρποῦντο, οὐκ εἰς τοὺς ὑποδεεστέρους μόνον ἐξυβρίζουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀδικεῖν ὥκνησαν τοὺς εὐεργετοῦντας, τὸ εὐχάριστον ἐξ ἀνθρώπων av- αἱιροῦντες, καὶ Ov ἀπειροκαλίαν τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ὧν" προσ- εδόκησαν ἀγαθῶν, κόρον εἰς τοὺς αἰτίους ἀφέντες, λήσεσθαι τὸ θεῖον ἐπὶ τούτοις νομίζουσι καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ διαφεύξεσθαι δίκην. ἔνιοι δὲ ἐκ τούτων προ- στασίαν πραγμάτων ἐπιτραπέντες παρὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ μῖσος ἴδιον ἔχοντες πρός τινας, παραλογισάμενοὶϊ τοὺς κρατοῦντας ψευδέσιν αἰτίαις καὶ διαβολαῖς ἔπεισαν κατὰ μηδὲν ἀδικούντων ὀργὴν ἀναλαβεῖὶ wv, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐκινδύνευσαν ἀπολέσθαι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαιοτέρων οὐδ᾽ ἀκοῇ “γνωρίμων ἡμῖν οὕτως ἰδεῖν ἔστιν ἔχον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν παρὰ τὰς ἡμετέρας ὄψεις τετολμημένων, ὡς διαβολαῖς μὲν καὶ κατ- ηγορίαις μὴ προσέχειν ἔτι τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδ᾽ οἷς ἕτεροι πείθειν ἐπιχειροῦσιν, κρίνειν δ᾽ ὅσα τις αὐτὸς olde πεπραγμένα, καὶ κολάζειν μὲν ἂν ἢ τοιαῦτα, χαρί- ξεσθαι ὃ δ᾽ ἂν ἑτέρως ἔχῃ, τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῖς λέγουσι προστιθέμενον. ὡς νῦν ᾿Αμάνης, ᾿Αμαδάθου “μὲν παῖς ᾿Αμαληκίτης δὲ τὸ γένος, ἀλλότριος ὧν τοῦ Περσῶν αἵματος, ἐπιξενωθεὶς ἡμῖν ἀπέλαυσε τῆς πρὸς ἅπαντας χρηστότητος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὡς πατέρα μου τὸ λοιπὸν προσαγορεύε- 1 τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ὧν] ὧν οὐ Lowth: τὸν ἐξ ὧν οὐ Herwerden, α Text and meaning uncertain; Ltxx has τοῖς τῶν ἀπειρ- αγάθων κόμποις ἐπαρθέντες “lifted up with the ostentation of men ignorant of good (A.V. renders ἀπειραγάθων by “ lew Gregg in R. Charles, Spree and Peeutehigranie of the id Testament, i. 680, explains that the word here has the general meaning of εἰ foolish ἢ: Luc. has τοῖς τῶν 446 εὐ υνὼ “δὲ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 273-277 kindness of those who bestow them, have not only acted outrageously toward their inferiors but have not hesitated to wrong even their benefactors, thus making an end of gratitude among men, and, in their vulgar lack of appreciation of these blessings from unexpected sources,* they have turned their insol- ence against those responsible for them, and think that in so doing they will elude the Deity and escape unishment from Him. And some of them, who Eas been entrusted by their friends with the ad- ministration of the government, have, because of a private grudge against certain persons, misled their masters by false charges and slanders and persuaded them to vent their anger on people who have done no wrong, as a result of which they were in danger of perishing. That such a state of affairs exists we ean see, not from ancient history or incidents known by report, but from the bold attempts made before our very eyes, so that in future we must not pay attention to slanders and accusations or to those things of which others attempt to persuade us, but must judge from what we ourselves know to have been done, and to punish when necessary or show favour when the case is otherwise, addressing ourselves to the deeds themselves and not to what people say. Asa present instance, Haman, the son of Amadathos, of the Amalekite race, an alien among those of Persian blood,? received hospitality from us and so far enjoyed the kindness which we show to all, that since that time he has been called my father and ἀπειροπαθῶν κόμποις παρελθόντες “ transgressing with the ostentation of those unused to suffering.” °* xx here adds that he was a Macedonian; also in Est. ix. 24, where Heb. has “ Agagite,”’ uxx has “ Mace- donian.”’ 447 JOSEPHUS Lia vee σθαι καὶ προσκυνούμενον διατελεῖν καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τὰ δεύτερα τῆς βασιλικῆς παρὰ πάντων τιμῆς ἀπο- φέρεσθαι, τὴν εὐτυχίαν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν οὐδὲ σώφρονι 278 λογισμῷ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐ ἐταμίευσεν, ἀλλὰ τῆς βασιλείας. ἐπεβούλευσέ με καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸν αἴτιον αὐτῷ τῆς ἐξουσίας" ἀφελέσθαι, τὸν εὐεργέτην μου καὶ σωτῆρα Μαρδοχαῖον καὶ τὴν κοινωνὸν ἡ ἡμῖν τοῦ τε βίου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ᾿Ἔσθῆρα κακούργως ! καὶ μετὰ ἀπάτης πρὸς ἀπώλειαν αἰτησάμενος" τούτῳ γάρ με τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν εὐνοούντων ἐρημώσας ἐβού- 219 λετο τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς ἄλλους μεταβαλεῖν. ἐγὼ δὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀλιτηρίου πρὸς ἀπώλειαν ἐκδοθέντας ᾿Ιουδαίους οὐ πονηροὺς κατανοήσας, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἄριστον πολιτευομένους τρόπον καὶ τῷ θεῷ προσ- ανέχοντας, ὃς ἐμοί τε καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις. ἡμῶν τὴν βασιλείαν διεφύλαξεν, οὐ μόνον ἀπολύω τῆς ἐκ τῶν προαπεσταλμένων ὑπὸ ᾿Αμάνου γραμμάτων" τιμω- 280 ρίας, οἷς ποιήσετε καλῶς μὴ προσέχοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμῆς αὐτοὺς ἁπάσης τυγχάνειν βούλομαι, καὶ τὸν ταῦτα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν μηχανησάμενον πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν τῶν ἐν Σούσοις ἀνεσταύρωσα μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς, τοῦ πάντα ἐφορῶντος θεοῦ ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν δίκην ἐπι- 281 βαλόντος. κελεύω δὲ ὑμᾶς τὸ ᾿ἀντίγρα ν τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἐκθέντας εἰς ἅπασαν τὴν βασιλείαν τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐφεῖναι" τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις χρωμένους ζῆν 1+ ταύτης LAWE. 2 ὑπὸ. . γραμμάτων om. PF, 3 Niese: ἀφεῖναι codd. E. « This last phrase is added by Josephus; a sinilag Ἐχ- pression to “ husbanded . . . good fortune” is found in Dionysius Halicarn. i. 65 τὰμιεύεσθαι τὴν τύχην. δ rxx and Luc. “ to the Macedonians.” 448 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 277-281 has continually made the people prostrate themselves before him and from all has received royal honours second to our own; he has not, however, borne his good fortune wisely nor has he husbanded the abundance of his prosperity with prudence and reason,* but has plotted to take from me, the author of his power, my kingdom and my life, after treacher- ously and deceitfully demanding the destruction of Mordecai, my benefactor and saviour, and Esther, who shares my life and throne. For he wished to deprive me in this manner of my loyal friends and to transfer the kingship to others.? But, since I have observed that the Jews, who were marked for de- struction by this accursed fellow, are not evil-doers but live under the most excellent kind of govern- ment and are attached to the God* who has pre- served the kingdom for me and our forefathers, not only do I release them from the penalties set forth in the letters sent by Haman,? which you will do well to disregard, but it is also my will that they be shown every honour,’ and I have crucified the one who de- vised these things against them, together with his family,’ before the gates of Susa, for the all-seeing 2 God has brought this punishment upon him. 1 also order you to display a copy of this lett »r throughout the entire kingdom and to permit the Jews to live in peace under their own laws, and to help them in ¢ Josephus omits the epithets given God in the apocr, Esther, (ixx “‘ the most high, most great, living”; Luc. “the only, true ”’). 4 The variant omits “‘ sent by Haman.” ¢ The command that the Jews “ be shown every honour ἢ is a detail added by Josephus. 71 So rxx; Luc. omits “ together with his family.” 9 Cf. Lue. (τοῦ τὰ πάντα κατοπτεύοντος) ; Lxx “ all-power- ful "ἢ or “ all-ruling ” (τοῦ τὰ πάντα ἐπικρατοῦντος). 449 JOSEPHUS © μετ᾽ εἰρήνης Kal βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς, ὅπως τοὺς ἐν οἷς ἠτύχησαν καιροῖς ἀδικήσαντας αὐτοὺς ἀμύνωνται, τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ δωδεκάτου μηνός, ὅς ἐστιν 282 Αδαρ, τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ: ταύτην γὰρ αὐτοῖς 6 θεὸς ἀντὶ ὀλεθρίας σωτήριον πεποίηκεν. ἔστω δ᾽ ἀγαθὴ μὲν τοῖς εὐνοοῦσιν ἡμῖν, ὑπόμνησις δὲ τῆς τῶν 288 ἐπιβουλευσάντων κολάσεως. εἰδέναι μέντοι γε βούλομαι καὶ πόλιν καὶ πᾶν ἔθνος, ἐὰν τῶν γεγραμ- μένων τινὸς παρακούσῃ, ὅτι καὶ πυρὶ καὶ σιδήρῳ δαπανηθήσεται. τὰ μέντοι γεγραμμένα προτεθήτω καθ᾽ ὅλης τῆς ἡμῖν ὑπηκόου χώρας, καὶ παρα- σκευαζέσθωσαν πάντως εἰς τὴν προγεγραμμένην ἡμέραν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μετέλθωσιν.᾽᾽ 284 (13) Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς οἱ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς διακομί- ζοντες εὐθὺς ἐξορμήσαντες τὴν προκειμένην ὁδὸν ἤνυον. ὁ δὲ Μαρδοχαῖος ὡς ἀναλαβὼν τὴν βασι- λικὴν στολὴν καὶ τὸν στέφανον τὸν χρυσοῦν καὶ τὸν στρεπτὸν περιθέμενος προῆλθεν, ἰδόντες αὐτὸν οὕτως τετιμημένον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ ἐν Σούσοις ὄντες ᾿Ιουδαῖοι κοινὴν ὑπέλαβον τὴν εὐπραγίαν 285 αὐτοῦ. χαρὰ δὲ καὶ σωτήριον φέγγος, ἐκτιθεμένων τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως γραμμάτων, καὶ τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ τοὺς κατὰ χώραν ἐπεῖχεν, ὡς πολλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν, διὰ τὸν ἐκ τῶν "lov- δαίων φόβον περιτεμνόμενα τὴν αἰδῶ, τὸ ἀκίνδυνον 286 αὑτοῖς ἐκ τούτου πραγματεύσασθαι. καὶ γὰρ τοῦ 1 εἶχει LAW: περιεῖχεν ex Lat. Hudson. @ xx and Luc, “ spear.” > Instead of “necklace” Scripture has “ garment 450 ὺ — re ae JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 281-286 requiting those who did them wrong in the times of their misfortune, on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar—on that very day. For God has made it a day of salvation for them instead of a day of destruction. Let it be a good day for those who are well-disposed toward us, but a re- minder of the punishment that overtakes those who have plotted against us. Furthermore, I wish every city and nation to know that if it disobeys any of the orders here written, it shall be laid waste with fire — and sword.* This letter, moreover, shall be pub- lished throughout the whole of the country subject to us, and they shall by all means prepare themselves against the appointed day to fall upon their enemies.” (13) And so the horsemen who carried the letters The Jews set out at once and travelled the road laid out for fP3'°62* them. And Mordecai, after assuming the royal robe i cap and putting on the crown of gold and the neck- vii. 14, lace,” came forth, and, when the Jews living in Susa saw him so greatly honoured by the king, they re- garded his good fortune as common to themselves. And, when the letter of the king was-published, joy , and the light of salvation came upon the Jews _ both in the city and in the provinces, so that many of the other nations also, from fear of the Jews, had themselves circumcised’ and thereby managed to avoid danger. For the bearers of the king’s letter (xx “ diadem ᾽ !) of fine linen and purple.” The Targum Pn these details into an elaborate description of his ress. © So Luc. translates Heb. mithyah*dim “ became Jews” ; uxx has “became circumcised ” in addition to ἐουδάεζον “became Jews’; Targ. “* were converted.” 4 Josephus’s phrasing resembles that in Thucydides vi. 15 τὸ δὲ ἀκίνδυνον . . . παρέχειν. 451 JOSEPHUS δωδεκάτου μηνὸς TH τρισκαιδεκάτῃ, ὃς κατὰ μὲν “Ἑβραίους ΤΑδαρ καλεῖται κατὰ δὲ Μακεδόνας Δύστρος, οἱ κομίσαντες τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως γράμματα ἐδήλουν, ὅπως καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν αὐτοὶ κινδυνεύσειν 287 ἤμελλον € ἐν ταύτῃ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀπολέσωσιν. οἱ i δὲ ἄρχοντες τῶν σατραπειῶν καὶ οἱ τύραννοι καὶ οἱ βασιλικοὶ; γραμματεῖς εἶχον ἐν τιμῇ τοὺς ἾἸου- δαίους" ὁ γὰρ ἐκ Μαρδοχαίου φόβος ἠνάγκαζεν 288 αὐτοὺς σωφρονεῖν. τοῦ δὲ γράμματος τοῦ βασι- λικοῦ διὰ πάσης τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ χώρας γενομένου συνέπεσεν ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἐν Σούσοις ᾿Ιουδαίους 289 ἀποκτεῖναι τῶν ἐχθρῶν περὶ πεντακοσίους. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως τὸν τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἐν τῇ πόλει δηλώ- σαντος τὸν ἀριθμὸν ᾿Εσθῆρι καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας τί ποτ᾽ εἴη γεγονὸς διαποροῦντος, καὶ εἴ τι πρὸς τούτοις ἔτ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι βούλεται. πυνθανο- μένου, πραχθήσεσθαι γάρ, παρεκάλεσεν ἐ ἐπιτραπῆναι τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν. οὕτως χρήσασθαι τοῖς ὑπολειπομένοις τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ 290 τοὺς δέκα τοὺς ᾿Αμάνου παῖδας ἀνασταυρῶσαι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν πρόσέταξε τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις 6 βασιλεύς, μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν ᾿Πσθῆρι βουλόμενος"" οἱ δὲ πάλιν 1 τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῃ AW. Agree ex txx Bekker: βασιλεῖς καὶ of (of om. PFV) cod 3 ἐν τῇ πόλει om. P. 4 δυνάμενος Ῥ, @ Variant 14th; Scripture has 13th. > Cf. § 107 note ὁ. ° Text emended from 1txx; mss. “‘ the kings and the scribes.”” Josephus’s 8 classes of officials (as emended) agree literally with those of txx; Heb. mentions 4—‘ rulers of the provinces, satraps (A.V. “ lieutenants”), governors 452 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 286-290 announced that on the thirteenth? day of the twelfth month, which is called Adar by the Hebrews, and Dystros by the Macedonians,” they should destroy their enemies—on the very same day, that is, on which they themselves were to have been placed in danger. Sa the rulers of the satrapies and the tyrants and the royal scribes® began to hold the Jews in honour, for their fear of Mordecai compelled them to act prudently. And it so happened that The Jews at the same time when the king’s letter reached the {2.2.4 1ce whole country ruled by him, the Jews in Susa killed on thele about five hundred? of their enemies. Thereupon fsther ix. 5 the king informed Esther of the number of those slain in the city, and, when he expressed uncertainty about what had happened to those in the provinces and inquired whether she wished anything more of him, saying that it would be done, she begged him to permit the Jews on the following day also to treat in the same manner those of their enemies who re- mained and to crucify the ten sons of Haman.’ And so the king, being unwilling” to oppose Esther in anything, commanded the Jews to do_so, and they (A.V. “ deputies ”’) and officers of the king”; ef. § 272 note @ 4 So Heb. and txx; Luc. 700. * Scripture adds here (Est. ix. 7 ff.) that Haman’s ten sons were also killed ; o- iW, note 9. 7 The variant omits “ in the city”; for “ city ᾿᾿ Scripture has “ Susa, the fortress’? (A.V. “ palace’ )s . According to Scripture (Est. ix. 13) Esther requests that Haman’s ten sons be crucified, although an earlier verse (ef. above, note δὴ) states that they were killed the first day. (This might mean, of course, that their dead bodies were to be impaled, but more likely the second reference is due to an oversight.) Josephus avoids the difficulty by omitting to mention them in § 288, * One ms. “ unable.” 453 JOSEPHUS SET. συστραφέντες TH τετράδι Kal δεκάτῃ τοῦ Δύστρου μηνὸς ἀπέκτειναν τῶν ἐναντίων ὡς τριακοσίους," καὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐκείνοις ὑπαρχόντων ἥψαντο κτη- 291 μάτων. ἀπέθανον δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Th, ὥρᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ᾿Ιουδαίων τῶν ἐχί ρῶν αὐτοῖς ἑπτακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι. καὶ τού- τους μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνός, 292 τὴν δὲ ἐ ἐχομένην ἑορτάσιμον ἐποίησαν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐν τοῖς “Σούσοις. ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τὴν τετράδα καὶ δεκάτην καὶ τὴν ἐχομένην τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς συν- αθροισθέντες εὐωχήθησαν. ὅθεν καὶ νῦν πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τὰς ἡμέρας ταύτας 293 ἑορτάζουσι, διαπεμπόμενοι μερίδας ἀλλήλοις. ἔ- γραψε δὲ Μαρδοχαῖος τοῖς ἐν τῇ ᾿Αρταξέρξου βα- σιλείᾳ ζῶσιν ᾿Ιουδαίοις ταύτας παραφυλάσσειν τὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ἑορτὴν ἄγειν αὐτὰς καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις παραδοῦναι τοῦ πρὸς πάντα διαμεῖναι τὸν χρόνον τὴν ἑορτὴν ἕνεκα καὶ μὴ λήθῃ παραπολέσθαι" 294 μελλήσαντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν ταύταις διαφθείρεσθαι ταῖς ἡμέραις ὑπὸ ᾿Αμάνου, δίκαια ποιήσειν εἰ διαφυγόντες μὲν ἐν αὐταῖς τὸν κίνδυνον τοὺς δ᾽ 1 χετρακοσίους AW. @ Bibl. Adar; cf. § 286. >’ So Heb. ; αχχ 15,000; Lue. 70,100. ¢ Josephus is slightly inaccurate here. According to Scripture (Est. ix. 17 ff.) the Jews of Susa attacked their enemies on the 13th and 14th of Adar, and celebrated on the 15th (not the 14th and 15th as Josephus states), while the Jews in the provinces attacked their enemies on the 13th and celebrated on the 14th—in other words, the Jews of the provinces celebrated on the 14th of Adar, and the Jews of Susa on the 15th. To be sure, farther on (ix. 20 ff. Scripture specifies the 14th and 15th of Adar as festiv. days, but the rabbinic authorities of Josephus’s. time (éf, 454 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 290-294 again banded themselves together on the fourteenth day of the month of Dystros? and killed some three hundred of their adversaries but touched. none of the possessions which they had. And seventy-five thousand? of their enemies were slain by the Jews Ὁ in the proyinces and the other cities also. These they slew on the thirteenth of the month, and they ~ kept the next day as a festival. Similarly did the ἢ Jews in Susa also gather together and feast on the fourteenth and the following day of the same month.® Whence it is that even now all the Jews in the habitable world celebrate these days by sending ~ portions to one another. For Mordecai wrote to all The festival the Jews living in the kingdom of Artaxerxes, telling fstha.” them to observe these days and keep them as a ‘2 festival and hand them down to their descendants in order that the festival might remain for all time and. not fall into disuse through forgetfulness. For, he said, since they had been marked for destruction on those days by Haman, but had escaped danger on them and had even avenged themselves on their Mishnah, Megiliah, i. 1), observing the distinction of date in Scripture between the celebration at Susa and that in the provinces, specify that the festival is to be observed on the 14th in smaller cities and on the 15th in larger cities. It is noteworthy, on the other hand, that the early rabbinic treatise Megillath Ta‘anith, like Josephus, merely makes the general statement that the 14th and 15th of Adar are festivaldays. Josephus does not mention the Fast of Esther, still observed by pious Jews on the 13th of Adar, for the very good reason that it was not known until the post-Talmudic period (cf. A. Schwarz in Festskrift Simonsen, 1923, pp. 188- 205, and H. Lichtenstein in Hebrew Union College Annual, ~ vii-ix, 1931/32, p. 280). Instead of observing a fast day on the 13th of Adar, the Jews in Josephus’s time celebrated the Maccabean victory over Nicanor, ef. Ant. xii. 412 (on wv 1 Mace. vii. 43 ff.) and Megillath Ta‘anith under that date. 455 — JOSEPHUS ἐχθροὺς τιμωρησάμενοι, παρατηρήσουσιν αὐτὰς 295 εὐχαριστοῦντες τῷ θεῷ. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τὰς προειρημένας ἡμέρας ἑορτάζουσιν, προσαγο- ρεύσαντες αὐτὰς φρουραίους." ὁ δὲ Μαρδοχαῖος μέγας τε ἦν καὶ "λαμπρὸς παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ. καὶ συνδιεῖπεν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀπολαύων ἅμα καὶ τῆς 296 κοινωνίας τοῦ βίου τῇ βασιλίσσῃ. εἦν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις τὰ πράγματα δι᾽ αὐτοὺς" ἀμείνω πάσης ἐλπίδος. καὶ τὰ μὲν τούτοις βασιλεύοντος ᾽Ἄρτα- ξέρξου συμβάντα τοῦτον εἶχε τὸν τρόπον. 2017. (vii, 1) ᾿Αποθανόντος δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Ἔλια- σίβου τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ᾿Ιώδας" ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ διεδέξατο. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου τὴν τιμὴν ᾿Ιωάννης υἱὸς ὧν αὐτοῦ παρέλαβεν, δι᾿ ὃν καὶ Βαγώσης" ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ ἄλλου" ᾿Αρταξέρξου τὸν ναὸν ἐμίανε καὶ φόρους ἐπέταξε τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις, ᾿ 6s P: φρουρέους W: φουραίους Grotius: conserya- tores 3 abriy ΗΝ, 6 3 "Iwdyas P: Ἰούδας V Lat.: Ἶοχάς W: Ἰωάδας E.- 4 Βαγώας LA (Zonaras). on 5 τρῦ ἄλλου ex Lat. (alterius) Hudson: τοῦ PAW: τοῦ λαοῦ rell.: τοῦ “Ayou Scaliger. * Cf, uxx φρουραί: Heb. Périm, The bibl. interpreta- tion “lots” is doubtful; Β, Motzo, Saggi di Storia e Letteratura Giudeo-Ellenistica, 1924, pp. 307 ff., derives ς Pirim from Φρουραί. “33 » Josephus ee resumes the narrative of events in Pales- tine, from § 183. ° Bibl. Eliashib (Elydsib), txx ᾿Ἐλ(ε)ισούβ ; his succession to the high priesthood is mentioned earlier in § 158. 4 Bibl. Joiada ( Yéyada‘), txx ᾿Ιω(α)δά, ¢ Bibl. Johanan ( Yéhdndn), txx ᾿ἴωανάν (in Neh. xii, 11 the name appears as Jonathan (Yéndthdn), txx ᾿Ιωναθάν). ~<% On the historicity and sources of the following section see Appendix Β. ᾿ 456 ἡ ἂν 2 δι ων τὼ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 294-297 enemies, they would do right to observe them by giving thanks to God. For this reason, therefore, the Jews celebrate the forementioned days, which they call Phriraioi.t Now Mordecai was a great aa illustrious man in the eyes of the king and shared the royal power with him, at the same time enjoying the companionship of the queen. And through them the condition of the Jews also was better than anything they had hoped for. Such, then, were the things that befell them in the reign of Artaxerxes. (vii. 1) ὃ On the death of the high priest Eliasib © The high his son Jédas @ succeeded him in the high priesthood. Josenes And, when he also died, Joannés,* who was his son, (ohanan) assumed this office; it was through him that BagisésJ cy. Nek. xii the’ general of the second’ Artaxerxes, defiled the }{{**, sanctuary and imposed tribute on the Jews, so that xxii. 10). 7 Variant Bagoas (as in Diodorus Siculus); in the Ar- amaic papyri of Elephantiné this common Persian name is written Bagé(h)i, in the Heb. of Ezra and Nehemiah, Bigwai. The Persian original is explained by F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, pp..59 f., as the abbreviation_of a “ full-name” with Baga “‘ God ” as its first element. On the identity of Bagoses see next note. 9 i.e. Artaxerxes II. Mnemon (404-359 B.c.); if, however, ἢ the word “ second ” (ἄλλου) is bracketed as an interpola- tion, as Niese and several other scholars suggest, the king meant might be Artaxerxes III. Ochus (359-338 B.c.). _ The reading here adopted is more likely to be correct, and ~ Bagoses is probably to be identified with the Bagoses who / was Persian governor of Judaea at the end of the reign of Darius II. and is mentioned in the Elephantiné papyri of the year 408 8.c.; presumably he continued in office through the early part of the reign of Artaxerxes II. If ἄλλου is removed as spurious, Bagoses is probably to be identified with the Persian general of Artaxerxes III. mentioned in Diodorus xvi. 47. For a fuller discussion of this point see Appendix B. 457 JOSEPHUS A Ἅ 4 4 > ’ , « A πρὶν ἢ τὰς καθημερινὰς ἐπιφέρειν θυσίας ὑπὲρ ἀρνὸς ἑκάστου τελεῖν αὐτοὺς δημοσίᾳ δραχμὰς , , pete, 7 , 770} 298 πεντήκοντα. τούτου δὲ τὴν αἰτιαν τοιαυτὴν συνέβη ’ > \ Lg ~ > , > ~ 4 γενέσθαι: ἀδελφὸς ἦν TH ᾿Ιωάννῃ *Inaots-: τούτῳ φίλῳ τυγχάνοντι ὁ Βαγώσης ὑπέσχετο τὴν ἀρχ- 299 ἱερωσύνην παρέξειν. ἀπὸ ταύτης οὖν τῆς πεποι- θήσεως ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐν τῷ ναῷ διενεχθεὶς τῷ ᾿Ιωά ΄, δια Ad «ἴουεῖφ, worse tues veer παρώξυνε τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν διὰ" τὴν ὀργήν. τηλικοῦτο δὲ ἀσέβημα δρᾶσαι κατὰ > a wry , © , 3 14 Η͂ τἀδελφοῦ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἱερώμενον" δεινὸν᾽ ἦν, καὶ ‘ 7, 5 ͵ 3. ὦ“ , ‘ τὸ δεινότερον, ὡς μήτε παρ᾽ “EAAnow μήτε παρὰ βαρβάροις ὠμὸν οὕτως καὶ ἀσεβὲς ἔργον γεγονέναι. 800 τὸ μέντοι θεῖον οὐκ ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ λαὸς διὰ , eits 27 > , . ε ‘ Niel, ταύτην" τὴν αἰτίαν ἐδουλώθη καὶ ὁ ναὸς ἐμιάνθη « ‘ ~ 7 A ε A > ὑπὸ Περσῶν. Baywons δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς *Ap- ταξέρξου γνοὺς ὅτι ᾿Ιωάννης 6 ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν ἍΙ , ‘ w > \ > ~ > ~ « ~ ovdaiwy τὸν ἴδιον ἀδελφὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐφόνευσεν, εὐθὺς ἐπιστὰς τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις μετὰ θυμοῦ ἤρξατο λέγειν" “᾿ ἐτολμήσατε ἐν τῷ ὑμετέρῳ 801 ναῷ φόνον ἐργάσασθαι. πειρωμένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ > - > ‘ A > / ΕΝ] / « A \ εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἐκώλυον αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔφη “᾿ πῶς οὐκ ἐγὼ καθαρώτερός εἰμι τοῦ — > ἀνῃρημένου" ἐν τῷ ναῷ; ᾿ καὶ τούτους ποιησά- μενος τοὺς λόγους εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσέρχεται. ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν χρησάμενος τῇ ἐπινοίᾳ Βαγώσης τοὺς 1 διὰ FOV: καὶ διὰ rell. 2 rd, δὲ FOV: rn. rell. 3 ἱερώμενον FOV: ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ rell.: ἐν τῷ vad E. 4 ὡς δεινὸν Ῥ, 5 τὸ δεινότερον] πρότερον PF. 6 Niese: αὐτὴν codd. ? ὑμετέρῳ ναῷ] ἱερῷ P “2 8 ἀνῃρηκότος P?LE. 458 * i Ta JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 297-301 before offering the daily sacrifices they had to pay from the public treasury fifty drachmae for every lamb... The reason for this was the following happen- ing. Jdannés had a brother named Jésiis,* and Bagisés, whose friend he was, promised to obtain the high priesthood for him. With this assurance, therefore, Jésis quarrelled with Jéannés in the temple and provoked his brother so far that in his anger he killed him. That Jéannés should have committed so impious a deed against his brother while serving as priest was terrible enough, but the more terrible ® in that neither among Greeks nor barbarians had so savage and impious a deed ever been committed. The Deity, however, was not in- different to it, and it was for this® reason that the people were made. slaves and the temple was defiled by the Persians. Now, when Bagisés, the general of Artaxerxes, learned that Jéannés, the high priest of the Jews, had murdered his own brother Jésiis in the temple, he at once set upon the Jews and in anger began to say, “ You have dared to commit murder in your own temple.’’ But,-when he at- tempted to enter the temple, they sought to pre- vent him, whereupon he said to them, “ Am I, then, not purer than he who was slain? in the temple ?” and, haying spoken these words, he went in to the temple. This, then, being the pretext. which he ® Hellenized form of Heb. Yési‘a. > Text uncertain. © Emended text; mss. “ this very.” ¢-The variant “‘he who -slew’”’ is preferred by some scholars, but it is obviously a lectio facilior, introduced by a scribe who missed the point of Bagoses’ ironical remark. rs dead body makes the temple unclean, according to Jewish Ww. 459 -, JOSEPHUS ᾿Ιουδαίους ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Ιησοῦ τελεύνην μετῆλθεν. 802 (9) Καταστρέψαντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Ιωάννου τὸν βίον διαδέχεται, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιαδδοῦς " ἤν δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ἀδελφὸς Μανασσῆς ὄνομα, ᾧ Σαναβαλλέτης ὁ πεμφθεὶς εἰς Σαμάρειαν ὑπὸ Δαρείου τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως" σατράπης Χου- 803 θαῖος τὸ γένος, ἐξ ὧν καὶ ot Σαμαρεῖς εἰσιν, εἰδὼς λαμπρὰν οὖσαν πόλιν τὰ ἹἹεροσόλυμα καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ᾿Ασσυρίοις. καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ , Συρίᾳ κατοικοῦσιν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεῖς may, παρασχόντας, ἀσμένως συνῴκισε τὴν αὐτοῦ ὄνγαν τέρα Ν ικασὼ καλουμένην, οἰόμενος τὴν “ἐπιγαμίαν ὅμηρον αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνους παντὸς εὔνοιαν. 804. (viii. 1) Κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν καιρὸν καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς ἐ ἐν Αἰγαῖς" ὑπὸ Παυσα- νίου τοῦ Κεράστου ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ορεστῶν γένους 806 δολοφονηθεὶς ἀπέθανεν. παραλαβὼν δ᾽ 6 παῖς 1 ᾿Ιωαδδοῦς LAWE. 2 τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως om. Lat, 3. Αἰγέαις P: Αἰγαίαις FLVW: Aegeis Lat. @ Variant Joaddis ; bibl. Jaddua ( Yaddii‘a), txx ᾿Ἰαδού. > Hellenized form of Heb. M*nas#éh (bibl. Manasseh) ; Scripture does not mention any such person in this connexion. ¢ Bibl. Sanballat (San*ballat), txx SavaBadddr. On the relation of the Sanaballetes here mentioned to the Sanballat of the book of Nehemiah and the Sanballat of the Ele- phantiné papyri see Appendix B. Here it may suffice to note that according to Scripture (Neh. xiii. 28) it was one of the “sons of Joiada” (i.e. a brother of Joiada’s son Johanan, not a brother of Johanan’s son Jaddua, as Josephus says) who married Sanballat’s daughter. Ac- 460 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 301-305 used, Bagdsés made the Jews suffer seven years for the death of Jésis. (2) When Jéannés departed this life he was suc- Manasses, ceeded in the high priesthood by his son Jaddiis.* priest's He too had a brother, named Manassés, to whom Drother, Sanaballetés*—he had been sent to Samaria as Samaritans. satrap by Darius the last king,* and was of the αν Cuthaean race from whom the Samaritans also are ἐς ρα descended—, knowing that Jerusalem was a famous ~~” ”™ city and that its kings had given much trouble to the Assyrians and the inhabitants of Coele-Syria, gladly gave him his daughter, called Nikasd,’ in marriage, for he believed that this alliance by marriage would be a pledge of his securing the goodwill of the entire Jewish nation. (viii. 1) Now it was just about this time that Aleander — Philip, king of Macedon, died at Aegae,’ being subdues ~- treacherously slain by Pausanias, the son of Ke- 4‘ Minor rastes, of the family of the Orestae. And his son cording to Heb. . however, “ one of the sons” might mean ** a grandson ”’ or “‘ descendant ” generally, in which case Josephus would agree with Scripture in making San- ballat’s son-in-law a brother of Jaddua. 4 Darius III. Codomannus (338-331 s.c.). Scripture (Neh. xii. 22) agrees with Josephus to the extent of making Jaddua a contemporary of Darius III., whom it calls ‘‘ Darius the Persian.” * In his note ad loc. T. Reinach remarks that Josephus has given the Persian governor of Samaria a daughter with a Greek name “contre toute vraisemblance.”’ The name Nikasd, however, may not be Greek at all, but the hellen- Pag oO of a Semitic name, possibly Aram. nik*sd ‘‘ sacri- ice” (?). 7 Josephus’ssources for Greek, as well as Roman, Parthian <~—= and Hellenistic Jewish history will be treated in an appendix to the last volume of this translation. σ In Macedonia. Philip was slain in 336 B.c. 461 306 307 308 309 JOSEPHUS αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, νικᾷ μὲν τοὺς Δαρείου στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς, ἐπελθὼν δὲ τὴν Λυδίαν καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιωνίαν δουλωσάμενος καὶ τὴν Kapiav" ἐπιδραμὼν τοῖς ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ τόποις ἐπ- ἔβαλεν, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. (9) Οἱ δὲ τῶν ἹΙεροσολυμιτῶν πρεσβύτεροι δεινο- παθοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ᾿Ϊαδδοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφὸν ἀλλοφύλῳ συνοικοῦντα μετέχειν τῆς ἀρ- χιερωσύνης ἐστασίαζον πρὸς αὐτόν' ἡγοῦντο γὰρ τὸν τούτου γάμον ἐπιβάθραν τοῖς παρανομεῖν περὶ τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν συνοικήσεις. '᾿βουλησομένοις γενέ- σθαι" καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους αὐτοῖς κοινω- νίας ἀρχὴν τοῦτο ἔσεσθαι. ὑπάρξαι μέντοι. καὶ L τῆς προτέρας αἰχμαλωσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν κακῶν αἴτιον τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους πλημμελῆσαί τινας καὶ ἀγαγέ- σθαι γυναῖκας οὐκ ἐπιχωρίας. ἐκέλευον οὖν τὸν Μανασσῆν διαζεύγνυσθαι τῆς γυναικὸς ἢ μὴ προσ- ιέναι τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ. τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρχιερέως τῷ λαῷ συναγανακτοῦντος καὶ εἴργοντος τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βωμοῦ, πὰῤαγενόμενος 6 Μανασσῆς πρὸς τὸν πενθερὸν Σαναβαλλέτην στέργειν μὲν ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα Νικασώ, τῆς “μέντοι γε" ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς μεγίστης οὔσης ἐν τῷ ἔθνει καὶ τῷ γένει ε Syriam aut Cyriam Lat. 2 γενήσεσθαι 3 ye om. FLAVWE. @ A river in Hellespontine Phrygia, emptying into the Sea of Marmora. » “ Elsewhere’? may mean the brief passage about Alexander’s conquest of Asia Minor in Ant. ii. 348 or, what is more likely, the works of other historians. The formula καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται and similar ones which give cross- 462 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 305-309 Alexander took over the royal power. and, after ᾿ erossing the Hellespont, defeated the generals of Darius in a battle at the Granicus*; he then in- vaded Lydia, and after subjugating Ionia and over- running Caria, fell upon the region of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere.? (2) Now the elders of Jerusalem, resenting the fact Manasses that the brother of the high priest Jaddiis was shar- fo the ing the high priesthood ° while married to a foreigner, **™2™itans rose up against him, for they considered this marriage to be a stepping-stone for those who might wish to transgress the laws about taking wives and that this would be the beginning of intercourse with foreigners. They believed, moreover, that their former captivity and misfortunes had been caused by some who had erred in marrying and taking wives ἢ who were not of their own country. They therefore told Manassés either to divorce his wife or not to approach the altar. And, as the high priest shared the indignation of the people and kept his brother from the altar, Manassés went to his father-in-law Sanaballetés and said that while he loved his daughter Nikasd, nevertheless the priestly office was the highest in the nation and had always belonged to his references not readily identifiable in Josephus’s extant writings will be discussed in an appendix to the last volume. © It is not clear in what way Manasses was “sharing the ~ high priesthood,” except in the general sense that he wasa / member of the high priest’s famil . 85 was the case with the τ “ high priests” mentioned in the Gospels. Possibly, how- ever, Josephus means that Manasses occupied the position of sagan (Aram. s*gan); although this term appears to denote a member of the aristocracy of Jerusalem in the Persian period (as in Ezra ix. 2), in later rabbinic usage it means an assistant of the high priest, cf. Mishnah, Yoma vi. and Bab. Talmud, Yoma 39a. 463 310 911] 312 313 JOSEPHUS παραμενούσης οὐ βούλεσθαι δι᾿ αὐτὴν στέρεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ Σαναβαλλέτου μὴ μόνον τηρήσειν αὐτῷ τὴν ἱερωσύνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερατικὴν παρέξειν δύναμιν καὶ τιμὴν ὑπισχνουμένου, καὶ πάντων ἀπο- δείξειν ὧν αὐτὸς ἐπῆρχε τόπων ἡγεμόνα βουλό- μενον συνοικεῖν αὐτοῦ; τῇ θυγατρί, καὶ λέγοντος οἰκοδομήσειν ναὸν ὅμοιον ὄντα τῷ ἐν τοῖς Ἵεροσο- λύμοις ἐπὶ τοῦ Tapileiv? ὄρους, ὃ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Σαμάρειαν ὀρῶν ἐστιν ὑψηλότατον, καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλομένου μετὰ τῆς Δαρείου γνώμης τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ὑποσχέσεσιν ὁ Μα- νασσῆς παρέμενε" τῷ Σαναβαλλέτῃ, τὴν ἀρχιερω- σύνην οἰόμενος ἕξειν Δαρείου δόντος: καὶ γὰρ συνέβαινε τὸν Σαναβαλλέτην ἤδη πρεσβύτερον εἶναι. πολλῶν δὲ ἱερέων καὶ ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν τοιούτοις γάμοις ἐπιπεπλεγμένων κατεῖχεν οὐ μικρὰ ταραχὴ τοὺς “Ἱεροσολυμίτας: ἀφίσταντο γὰρ ἅπαντες πρὸς τὸν Μανασσῆν τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου χορηγοῦντος αὐτοῖς καὶ χρήματα καὶ χώραν εἰς γεωργίαν καὶ κατ- οίκησιν ἀπομερίζοντος καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ τῷ γαμ- βρῷ συμφιλοκαλοῦντος. (3) Kara δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Δαρεῖος ἀκούσας ὅτι τὸν ᾿ Ἑλλήσποντον διαβὰς ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ τοὺς σατράπας αὐτοῦ τῇ κατὰ Τράνικον μάχῃ κρατήσας προσωτέρω χωρεῖ, στρατιὰν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικὴν 1 αὐτὸν PFLAW Lat. * Ταριζὶν FVE Syncellus. 3 κατέμενε παρὰ AWE. * Of the Samaritans, of course, cf. § 324. According to M. Gaster, The Samaritans, 1925, pp. 30 f., ‘‘ No trace of such a fact can be found in the Samaritan "chronicles, nor 464 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 309-313 family, and that therefore he did not wish to be deprived of it on her account. But Sanaballetés promised not only to preserve the priesthood for him but also to procure for him the power and office of high priest? and to appoint him governor of all the places over which he ruled, if he were willing to live with his daughter ; and he said that he would build a temple similar to that in Jerusalem on Mount Garizein—this is the highest of the mountains near Samaria—, and undertook to do these things with the consent of King Darius. Elated by these promises, Manassés stayed with Sanaballetés, be- lieving that he would obtain the high priesthood as the gift of Darius, for Sanaballetés, as it happened, was now an old man. But, as many priests and Israelites were involved in such marriages, great was the confusion which seized the people of Jeru- _ salem. For all these deserted to Manassés, and Sanaballetés supplied them with money and with land for cultivation and assigned them places wherein to dwell, in every way seeking to win favour for? _ his son-in-law. (3) Now about this time Darius heard that Tne _ Alexander had crossed the Hellespont and defeated Sta" his satraps in the battle at the Granicus and was Darius advancing further, and so he collected an army of pe “ is the intermarriage mentioned between the house of the high priest of Jerusalem and any of their governors or rulers. in one chronicle, however, Sanballat is mentioned as ‘ Cohen Levi,’ ‘ the Priest, the Levite,’ and in another as * Levite” only, but he is never identified in any way with the High Priest.” δ Or “ enthusiastically supporting,” as Dr. Thackeray translates συμφιλοκαλεῖν in Ant. i. 9. * Cf. ὃ 304 note αὶ 465 JOSEPHUS συνήθροιζεν, ἀπαντῆσαι διαγνοὺς" τοῖς Μακεδόσιν πρὶν ἢ πᾶσαν αὐτοὺς ἐπιόντας καταστρέψασθαι τὴν 314 ᾿Ασίαν. περαιωσάμενος οὖν τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον τὸ Κιλίκιον ὄρος ὑπερελθὼν ἐν Ἰσσῷ" τῆς Κιλικίας τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἐκεῖ 315 μαχησόμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐξεδέχετο. ἡσθεὶς δὲ τῇ Δα- ρείου καταβάσει ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης εὐθὺς ἔλεγε τῷ Μανασσῇ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις τελέσειν, ὡς" ἂν Δαρεῖος κρατήσας τῶν πολεμίων ὑποστρέψῃ" Πέπειστο γὰρ οὐκ αὐτὸς μόνος ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντες οὗ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ μηδ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας τοῖς Πέρσαις ἥξειν τοὺς Μακεδόνας 810 διὰ τὸ πλῆθος. ἀπέβη δ᾽ οὐχ ὡς προσεδόκων" συμβαλὼν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἡ καὶ πολλὴν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπολέσας, ληφθέντων αἰχμαλώτων αὐτοῦ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ 317 τῶν τέκνων, ἔφυγεν εἰς Πέρσας. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δ᾽ εἰς Συρίαν" παραγενόμενος Δαμασκὸν αἱρεῖ καὶ Σιδῶνος κρατήσας ἐπολιόρκει Τύρον, ἠξίου. τε ἀπο- στείλας γράμματα πρὸς τὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀ ἀρχιερέα συμμαχίαν τε αὐτῷ πέμπειν καὶ ἀγορὰν τῷ στρα- τεύματι παρασχεῖν καὶ ὅσα Δαρείῳ πρότερον ἐτέ- : hy fo ἐβνὺ LAWE. v Ἰσσῷ E: εἴσω PFLOVA®*: ἐν ᾿Ισίσγῳ πόλει a ‘Cilicio ‘Lat. 3 ἕως conj. Niese. 4 Πέρσας PFOVE. 2 More κα τδιαυζα Mount Amanus by the Amanic Gates (Arrian ii. 7. 1), where the coast of North Syria bends into that of Cilicia. ὃ The same statement is made by Diodorus, xvii. 32. 4 (cf. Arrian ii. 6. 4 f.). Arrian, ii, 8. 8, estimates Darius’s army as 600,000 men; Diodorus, xvii. 31. 2, as 500,000 ; Justinus, xi. 9, and Curtius, i iii. 2. 4, as 400,000, 466 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 313-317 horsemen and foot-soldiers, being determined to meet the Macedonians before they should invade and conquer all Asia. Accordingly, he crossed the Euphrates river, passed over Taurus,* the mountain in Cilicia, and awaited the enemy at Issus in Cilicia, intending to give battle there. Then Sanaballetés, who was glad that Darius had come down, told Manassés that he would fulfil his promises as soon as Darius should return from conquering the enemy. For not only he himself but all those in Asia were convinced that the Macedonians would not even come to grips with the Persians because of their great number.’. But the event proved other than they expected, for the king did engage the Mace- — donians and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army, his mother and wife and children being taken captive, while he fled to Persia. And Alexander, coming to Syria, took Damascus, became master of Sidon? and besieged Tyre’; from there he dis- patched a letter to the high priest of the Jews/ requesting him to send him assistance and supply his army with provisions and give him the gifts which they had formerly sent as tribute to Darius, thus © The battle took place in October 333 B.c. 4 The capture of Damascus and Sidon took place shortly after the battle of Issus, ef. B. Niese, Geschichte der griechi- schen und makedonischen Staaten, i. 81 n. 2. ¢ From January to July, 332 s.c., ef. § 325 note δ. 7 On the historicity and sources of Josephus’s (legendary) account of Alexander’s relations with the Jews and Samari- tans see Appendix C. Here it may suffice to note that none of the extant non-Jewish sources mentions the Jews in con- nexion with Alexander; on the other hand, rabbinic tra- dition preserves a similar story (Bab. Talmud, Yoma 69a and Scholion, Megillath Ta‘anith ix, ‘‘ The Day of Mount Garizim ”’), which is given in the Appendix. 467 JOSEPHUS λουν δῶρα ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ" διδόναι τὴν Μακεδόνων φιλίαν ἑλομένους: οὐ γὰρ μετανοήσειν ἐπὶ τούτοις. 318 τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρχιερέως ἀποκριναμένου τοῖς γραμματο- φόροις ὡς ὅρκους εἴη Δαρείῳ δεδωκὼς μὴ βαστά- Cew ὅπλα κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καὶ τούτους ἕως ἂν ἦ Δαρεῖος ἐν τοῖς ζῶσιν μὴ παραβήσεσθαι φήσαντος, ἀκούσας 319 ᾿Αλέξανδρος παρωξύνθη, καὶ τὴν μὲν Τύρον οὐκ ἔκρινε καταλιπεῖν ὅσον οὐδέπω" μέλλουσαν αἱρεῖ- σθαι, παραστησάμενος δὲ ταύτην ἠπείλει στρατεύ- σειν ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα καὶ διδάξειν πάντας δι᾿ αὐτοῦ" πρὸς τίνας δὴ αὐτοῖς φυλακτέον 820 τοὺς ὅρκους" ὅθεν πονικώτερον χρησάμενος τῇ πολιορκίᾳ λαμβάνει τὴν Τύρον. καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Γαζαίων πόλιν ἦλθε καὶ τήν τε Γάζαν καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ φρούραρχον ὄνομα Βαβημήσιν᾽ ἐπολιόρκει. 821 (4) Νομίσας δὲ καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔχειν 6 Σανα- 4 ~ > ~ 5 ὔ 4 > , βαλλέτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, Δαρείου μὲν ἀπέγνω, λαβὼν δὲ" ὀκτακισχιλίους τῶν ἀρχομένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ 421) / \ \ ΠΡ ee) , πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἧκε καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀρχό- μενον τῆς Τύρου πολιορκίας, ὧν τε αὐτὸς ἄρχει 1 ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ Niese: τούτῳ codd.: αὐτῷ ex Lat. Cocceji. 2 οὔπω LAWE. 3 δι᾿ αὐτοῦ om. PV. 4 Βαβιμίσιν F: Βαβημάσιν P: Βαβίσιν A marg.: Βαβιμίσὴην O: Babymasin Lat.: Batis Arrian.: Betis Qu. Curtius. 5 ἐπιβουλῆς LW. 6 λαβὼν δὲ] καὶ λαβὼν dis PFO(V). « The variant omits ‘‘ through him.” > In the summer of 332 B.c., cf. ὃ 325 note d. ¢ Variants Babémasis, ete. he name appears as Batis in Arrian ii. 25. 4, as Betis (v.l. Batis) in Curtius iv. 6, 7. F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, pp. 65 f. connects Batis with Iranian Vata (so also Prof. Louis H. Gray of Columbia, 468 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 317-321 © choosing the friendship of the Macedonians, for, he said, they would not regret this course. But the The high high priest replied to the bearers of the letter that —. he had given his oath to Darius not to take up arms (addus) against him, and said that he would never violate loyal ta this oath so long as Darius remained alive. When "> Alexander heard this, he was roused to anger, and while deciding not to leave Tyre, which was on the point of being taken, threatened ‘that when he had brought it to terms he would march against the high priest of the Jews and through him ¢ teach all men what people it was to whom they must keep their oaths, and for this reason continuing the siege with greater effort, he took Tyre. After he had settled affairs there, he advanced against the city of Gaza and besieged it ὃ together with the commander of its garrison, named Babémésis.° (4) Now Sanaballetés, believing that he had a The — favourable opportunity for his design, abandoned the Sout the cause of Darius and came, along with eight? thousand \ictorions of the people under his rule, to Alexander, whom he : found beginning the siege of Tyre, and said that he in a private communication), while he considers Babemésis a Semitic form. It seems to me that the similarity to one another of the variants in Josephus points to the survival of a genuine Iranian form. I suggest that the second element in the name, mésis, is the same as that found in the Iranian name Waumisa (a general of Darius II., ef. F. Weissbach, Die Keilinschriften der Achimeniden, 1911, pp. 34 ff.), this, in turn, being a dialectal development of the name Mithra (cf. Justi s.v.). The first element, babz- ) may be a corruption of Iranian Baga “ God” (this word — being usually hellenized as Mega, cf. Megaphernes and § 4:--- similar names). To summarize, | suggest that the original name of the (presumably Persian) commander of Gaza ~ was Bagamisa “ Mithra is God.” é Variant 16 (lit. “ twice eight ᾽). VOL. VI Q 469 322 323 324 825 326 JOSEPHUS τόπων ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ παραδιδόναι τούτους, Kal δε- σπότην αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἔχειν ἀντὶ Δαρείου τοῦ βασι- λέως. ἀσμένως δ᾽ αὐτὸν προσδεξαμένου" θαρρῶν ἤδη περὶ τῶν προκειμένων ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης αὐτῷ λόγους προσέφερε, δηλῶν ὡς γαμβρὸν μὲν ανασσῆν τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως. Ἰωδδο ἀδελφόν, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλους αὐτῷ συμπαρόντας τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν θέλειν ἱερὸν. ἐν τοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τόποις ἤδη κατασκευάσαι. τοῦτο δ᾽ εἶναι καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ συμφέρον, εἰς δύο διῃρῆσθαι τὴν ἸΙουδαίων δύναμιν, ἵνα μὴ ὁμογνωμονοῦν τὸ ἔθνος. μηδὲ συνεστός, εἰ νεωτερίσειέ ποτε, χαλεπὸν ἢ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, καθὼς καὶ πρότερον τοῖς ᾿Ασσυρίων ἄρξασιν ἐ ἐγένετο. συγχωρήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκάμενος σπουδὴν φκοδόμησεν ὁ ὁ Σα- ναβαλλέτης τὸν ναὸν καὶ ἱερέα τὸν Μανασσῆν κατέστησεν, μέγιστον γέρας ἡγησάμενος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς γενησομένοις τοῦτ᾽ ἔσεσθαι. μηνῶν δ᾽ ἑπτὰ τῇ Τύρου πολιορκίᾳ διεληλυθότων καὶ δύο τῇ Γάζης" ὁ μὲν Σαναβαλλέτης ἀπέθανεν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐξελὼν τὴν Γάζαν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Ἵερο- σολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀναβαίνειν ἐσπουδάκει. ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιαδδοῦς τοῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἦν ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ καὶ δέει, πῶς ἀπαντήσει τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἀμηχανῶν, ὀργιζομένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῇ πρότερον ἀπει- 1 E ed. pr.: -άμενος FLAW: -αμένους P: -άμενοι OV. 2 Cocceji: Γάζῃ codd. E Lat. @ One variant makes Sanaballetes the subject, and Alexander the object, of the verb “ received.” Ὁ Cf. the charges made against the Jews by the Samari- tans in the Persian period, §§ 97 ff. 470 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 321-326 was giving up to him the places under his rule and gladly accepted him as his master in place of King Darius. As Alexander received him ἴῃ friendly fashion,* Sanaballetés now felt confident about his plan and addressed him on that subject, explaining that he had a son-in-law Manassés, who was the brother of Jaddis, the high priest of the Jews, and that there were many others of his countrymen with him who now wished to build a temple in the terri- tory subject tohim. It was also an advantage to the king, he said, that the power of the Jews should be divided in two, in order that the nation might not, in the event of revolution, be of one mind .and stand together and so give trouble to the kings as it Alexander had formerly given to the Assyrian rulers.”. When, #2 Siiiing therefore, Alexander gave his consent, Sanaballetés of a Samari- brought all his energy to bear and built the temple “* “"?"* and appointed Manassés high priest, considering this to be the greatest distinction which his daughter's descendants could have. But Sanaballetés died after seven months had been spent on the siege of Tyre © and two on that of Gaza,? and Alexander, after taking Gaza, was in haste to go up to the city of Jerusalem.¢ When the high priest Jaddis heard this, he was in an agony of fear, not knowing how he could meet the Macedonians, whose king was angered by his former disobedience. He therefore ς Cf. § 317 note e. The seven-month duration of the si is mentioned in Diodorus xvii. 46. 5, Curtius iv. 4. 19 and Plutarch, Vita Alex. xxiv. 4 Cf. § 320 note ὃ. The two-month duration of this siege is also mentioned in Diodorus xvii. 48. 7. on ¢ The extant non-Jewish sources state that Alexander left for Feypt almost immediately after taking Gaza, ef. Ap- * pendix 471 " JOSEPHUS θείᾳ. παραγγείλας οὖν ἱκεσίαν' τῷ λαῷ καὶ θυσίαν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ προσφέρων ἐδεῖτο ὑπερασπίσαι τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῶν ἐπερχομένων κινδύνων ἀπαλ- 327 λάξαι. κατακοιμηθέντι δὲ μετὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐχρη- μάτισεν αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους 6 θεὸς θαρρεῖν καὶ στεφανοῦντας τὴν πόλιν ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων ταῖς νομίμοις στολαῖς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὑπάντησιν, μηδὲν προσδοκῶντας πείσεσθαι δεινὸν 328 προνοουμένου τοῦ θεοῦ. διαναστὰς δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνου ἔχαιρέν τε μεγάλως αὐτός, καὶ τὸ χρηματισθὲν αὐτῷ πᾶσι μηνύσας καὶ ποιήσας ὅσα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ παρηγγέλη, τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρ- ουσίαν ἐξεδέχετο. 829 (5) Πυθόμενος δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ὄντα πρόεισι" μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ πλήθους, ἱεροπρεπῆ καὶ διαφέρουσαν τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ποιούμενος τὴν ὑπάντησιν εἰς τόπον τινὰ Σαφεὶν᾽ λεγόμενον. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τοῦτο μεταφερό- μενον εἰς τὴν “Ἑλληνικὴν γλῶσσαν σκοπὸν" σημαί- νει" τά τε γὰρ “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐκεῖθεν 330 συνέβαινεν ἀφορᾶσθαι. τῶν δὲ Φοινίκων καὶ τῶν 1 ἱκετείαν LAW: ἱκεσίας V. 2 πρόσεισι (P)LAE. 3 Σαφὶν FLE: Σαφὰν (-ἂν W) A'VW. 4 σκοπὴν FL1A!VW: σκοπιὰν A marg.: scopulum Lat. * Of. the description of the high priest’s distress on a somewhat similar occasion in 2 Maccabees iii. 14 ff. ὃ Variants Saphin, Sapha(n). E. Schiirer, Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, i. (4th ed.) 604 n. 14, explains Saphein as the Aram. form of Heb. Séphim “ Lookout,” as Josephus translates. | Schiirer identifies this Séphim, mentioned in the Mishnah, with the 472 -- sae JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 326-330 ordered the people to make supplication, and, offer- ing sacrifice to God together with them, besought Him to shield the nation and deliver them from the ts that were hanging over them.* But, when God re- he had gone to sleep after the sacrifice, God spoke high priest. oracularly to him in his sleep, telling him to take courage and adorn the city with wreaths and open the gates and go out to meet them, and that the people should be in white garments, and he himself with the priests in the robes prescribed by law, and that they should not look to suffer any harm, for God was watching over them. Thereupon he rose from his sleep, greatly rejoicing to himself, and an- nounced to all the revelation that had been made to him, and, after doing all the things that he had been told to do, awaited the coming of the king. (5) When he learned that Alexander was not far Alexander from the city, he went out with the priests and the τ Ὁ gales body of citizens, and, making the reception sacred reverentiy. in character and different from that of other nations, met him at a certain place called Saphein.? This name, translated into the Greek tengue, means “ Lookout.” For, as it happened, Jerusalem and the temple could be seen from there. Now the hill called ina Po peer in B.J. ii. 528 et al. (so also, earlier, G. Agen λα wal κὰν -historisches Lexicon zu. ἘΚ υρτ es 219). t is the modern Mount Scopus, about a mile N. of FS ebiioabela: where the Hebrew University ~ now stands. According to the rabbinic version (see Ap- pendix C) the meeting between Alexander and the high shai took place at Antipatris, some 20 miles N.E. ot oppa (Jaffa); this city was called Kephar Saba in pre- , Herodian times (Καφαρσαβᾶ in Ant. xvi. 142), and Reland Hudson-Havercamp therefore su that a confusion between Saba and Sapha is responsible for the substitution of Antipatris for Saphein (or Sapha) in the rabbinic version. 473 33 332 33 1 wo JOSEPHUS ἀκολουθούντων Χαλδαίων ὅσα βασιλέως ὀργὴν εἰκὸς ἦν ἐπιτρέψειν αὐτοῖς τήν τε πόλιν διαρπάσειν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα μετ᾽ αἰκίας ἀπολέσειν λογιζο- μένων, τὰ ἐναντία τούτων ἐγένετο. ὁ γὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἔτι πόρρωθεν ἰδὼν τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, τοὺς δὲ ἱερεῖς προεστῶτας ἐν ταῖς βυσσίναις αὐτῶν, τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα ἐν τῇ ὕακιν- Biv καὶ “διαχρύσῳ στολῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔχοντα τὴν κίδαριν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς ἔλασμα, ᾧ ᾧ τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐγγέγραπτο" ὄνομα, προσ- ελθὼν μόνος. προσεκύνησε τὸ ὄνομα καὶ τὸν ἀρχ- ἱερέα πρῶτος ἠσπάσατο. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιουδαίων ὁμοῦ πάντων μιᾷ φωνῇ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀσπασαμένων καὶ κυκλωσαμένων αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντος κατ- εἐπλάγησαν, καὶ διεφθάρθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπελάμβανον, Παρμενίωνος δὲ μόνου προσελθόντος αὐτῷ καὶ πυθομένου τί δήποτε προσκυνούντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων αὐτὸς προσκυνήσειε τὸν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα; “οὐ τοῦτον, εἶπεν, “ προσεκύνησα, - Χουθαίων Schotanus. 2 Cocceji: ἐγέγραπτο codd.: ἐπεγέγραπτο E. * Suggested variant Cuthaeans. This might seem to find support in the rabbinic version, according to which the Cuthaeans (Samaritans) intended to destroy the temple in Jerusalem. I think it more probable, however, that ‘‘ Chaldaeans ” is correct (¢f. “‘ the kings of Syria” below » in § 332) and that Josephus (or his source) is thinking of a later incident, referred to in 1 Maccabees iii. 41, when Syrian merchants accompanied the Seleucid general 'Lysias to Judaea in the hope of buyin ng captured Jews as slaves. δ That is, Alexander greeted the high Priest before being greeted by him, 474 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 330-333 Phoenicians and the Chaldaeans * who followed along thought to themselves that the king in his anger would naturally permit them to plunder the city and put the high priest to a shameful death, but the re- verse of this happened. For when Alexander while still far off saw the multitude in white garments the priests at their head clothed in linen, and the high priest in a robe of hyacinth-blue and gold, wear- ing on his head the mitre with the golden plate on it on which was inscribed the name of God, he approached alone and prostrated himself before the Name and first greeted the high priest.° Then all the Jews together greeted Alexander with one voice and surrounded him, but the kings of Syria and the others were struck with amazement at his action and supposed that the king’s mind was deranged.. And Parmenion ° alone went up to him and asked why indeed, when all men prostrated themselves before him,* he had prostrated himself before the high priest of the Jews, whereupon he replied, “‘ It was ais oracula: not before him that I prostrated myself but the God ὅπ: τς The Macedonian general. second in” command to ἡ Alexander, who was left in charge of Syria and Palestine “' when Alexander went to Egypt (although it is not clear just how long Parmenion remained in Syria after Alexander’s departure, cf. I. Spak, Der Bericht des Josephus iiber Alex- ander den Grossen, 1911, pp. 29 f. and Appendix C). Par- menion plays a somewhat similar réle as critic of Alexander in the well-known story told by Plutarch, Vita Alex. xxix., according to which he said he would accept Darius’s terms if he were Alexander, whereupon Alexander replied, “ And so should I, if I were Parmenion.”’ 4 The prostration (proskynésis) is an anachronism, as is pointed out by Niese, op. cit. i: 83 n. 3, since Alexander allowed proskynésis to himself only after Darius’s death. For a detailed discussion of the A sires ef. J. Hort, Pros- ὦ kynein, 1932 (Neutestamentliche Forschungen, 3. 2). 475 334 335 336 337 338 JOSEPHUS τὸν δὲ θεόν, οὗ TH ἀρχιερωσύνῃ οὗτος τετίμηται" τοῦτον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδον ἐν τῷ νῦν σχήματι ἐν Δίῳ τῆς Μακεδονίας τυγχάνων, καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διασκεπτομένῳ μοι πῶς ἂν κρατή- σαιμι τῆς ᾿Ασίας, παρεκελεύετο μὴ μέλλειν ἀλλὰ θαρσοῦντα διαβαίνειν" αὐτὸς γὰρ ἡγήσεσθαί, μου τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τὴν Περσῶν παραδώσειν ἀρχήν. ὅθεν ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα θεασάμενος ἐν τοιαύτῃ στολῇ, τοῦτον δὲ νῦν ἰδὼν καὶ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀναμνησθεὶς ὄψεώς τε καὶ παρακελεύσεως, νομίζω θείᾳ πομπῇ τὴν στρατείαν πεποιημένος Δαρεῖον νικήσειν καὶ τὴν Περσῶν καταλύσειν" δύ- ναμιν καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα κατὰ νοῦν ἐστί μοι προχωρή- σειν. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν αρμενίωνα͵ καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τὸν ἀρχιερέα, τῶν ᾿ἸΙουδαίων' παρα- θεόντων, εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγίνεται. καὶ ἀνελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν θύει μὲν τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὑφήγησω, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς" ἀξιοπρεπῶς ἐτίμησεν. δειχθείσης δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς Δανιήλου βίβλου, ἐν ἧ τινα τῶν Ἑλλήνων καταλύσειν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐδήλου, vo νομίσας αὐτὸς εἶναι ὁ σημαινόμενος τότε μὲν ἡσθεὶς. ἀπέλυσε τὸ πλῆθος, τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ προσκαλεσάμενος ἐκέ- λευσεν αὐτοὺς αἰτεῖσθαι δωρεὰς ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ θέ- λωσιν. τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρχιερέως αἰτησαμένου χρήσασθαι 2, μένειν PFLV: ne eglegere Lat. ἡγήσασθαί 3 ψικῆσαι. . καταλῦσαι Lat. 4. ἱερέων FAVW: reliquis sacerdotibus Lat. 5 καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς om. PF VE. 476 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 333-338 of whom he has the honour to be high priest, for it was he whom I saw in my sleep dressed as he is now, when I was at Dium in Macedonia, and, as I was considering with myself how I might become master of Asia, he urged me not to hesitate* but to cross over confidently, for he himself would lead my army and give over to me the empire of the Persians. Since, therefore, I have beheld no one else in such robes, and on seeing him now I am re- minded of the vision and the exhortation, I believe that I have made this expedition under divine guid- ance and that I shall defeat Darius and destroy the power of the Persians and succeed in carrying out all the things which 1 have in mind.” After saying these things to Parmenion, he gave his hand to the high priest and, with the Jews? running beside him, entered the city. Then he went up to the temple, where he sacrificed to God under the direction of the high priest, and showed due honour to the priests and ὁ to the high priest himself. And, when the book of Daniel was shown to him, in which he had declared that one of the Greeks ‘would destroy the empire of the Persians,? he believed himself to be the one indicated ; and in his joy he dismissed the multitude for the time being, but on the follow- ing day he summoned them again and told them to ask for any gifts which they might desire. When the high priest asked that they might observe their « Variant “ remain.” > Variant “ priests.” * The variant omits “to the priests and ” (in the Greek pod κ “to the high priest himself” precede “ to the ΤΊ . ΤῊ Cf. Ν x. 273 on Dan. viii. 91. The latter part of the book of Daniel (chs. vii.-xii.) is generally held by biblical scholars to have been written after 165-B.c. Alexander sacrifices in the temple at Jerusalem. 477 JOSEPHUS τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀν- εἰσφορον εἶναι, συνεχώρησε πάντα. παρακαλεσάν- των δ᾽ αὐτὸν" ἵνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ Μηδίᾳ ᾿Ιουδαίους τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐπιτρέψῃ νόμοις χρῆσθαι, 339 ἀσμένως ὑπέσχετο" ποιήσειν ἅπερ ἀξιοῦσιν. εἰ- πόντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ βούλονται συστρατεύειν τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐμ- μένοντες καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῶντες, ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἐπάγεσθαι, πολλοὸὺ τὴν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατείαν ἠγάπησαν. 840 (6) ‘O μὲν οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ταῦτα διοικησάμενος ἐν τοῖς ᾿ἱεροσολύμοις ἐξεστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐχο- μένας πόλεις. πάντων δ᾽ αὐτὸν πρὸς οὗς ἀφίκουτο φιλοφρόνως ἐκδεχομένων, Σαμαρεῖται “μητρόπολιν τότε τὴν Σίκιμαν € ἔχοντες κειμένην πρὸς τῷ ΤῬαρι- ζεὶν ὄ ὄρει καὶ κατῳκημένην ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστατῶν τοῦ ᾿Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους, ἰδόντες ὅτι τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ᾿Αλέξ- ανδρος οὕτω λαμπρῶς τετίμηκεν, ἔγνωσαν αὑτοὺς 841 ᾿Ιουδαίους “ὁμολογεῖν. εἰσὶν γὰρ οἱ Σαμαρεῖς τοιοῦτοι τὴν φύσιν, ὡς ἤδη που καὶ πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν" ἐν μὲν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὄντας τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἀρνοῦνται συγγενεῖς ἔχειν," ὁμολογοῦντες τότε τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ὅ ὅταν δέ τι περὶ αὐτοὺς λαμπρὸν ἴδωσιν ἐκ τύχης, ἐξαίφνης" ἐπιπηδῶσιν αὐτῶν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ, προσήκειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες, καὶ ἐκ τῶν Ἰωσήπου γενεαλογοῦντες αὑτοὺς ἐκγόνων ᾿Εφραί- 342 μου καὶ Μανασσοῦ. μετὰ λαμπρότητος οὖν καὶ πολλὴν ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν προθυμίαν ἀπήντησαν τῷ βασιλεῖ μικροῦ δεῖν ἐγγὺς 1 E: πατρῴοις codd. 2 αὐτῶν FALOVW. 3 ὑπεδέχετο FLOV. 4 ἔχειν V: om. rell. 5 ἐξαίφνης om. PFLE. 478 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 338-342 country’s laws and in the seventh year be exempt from tribute, he granted all this. Then they begged that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media also to have their own laws, and he gladly promised to do as they asked. And, when he said to the people that if any wished to join his army while still adhering to the customs of their country, he was ready to take them, many eagerly accepted service with him.* (6) And so, having regulated these matters at The Samari- Jerusalem, Alexander marched off against the es neighbouring cities. But all those peoples to whom Alexander. he came received him in a friendly spirit, whereupon the Samaritans, whose chief city at that time was Shechem,? which lay beside Mount Garizein and was inhabited by apostates from the Jewish nation, seeing that Alexander had so signally honoured the Jews, decided to profess themselves Jews. | For such is the nature of the Samaritans, as we have already shown somewhere above.° When the Jews are in difficulties, they deny that they have any kinship with them, thereby indeed admitting the truth, but whenever they see some splendid bit of good fortune come to them, they suddenly ὦ grasp at the connexion with them, saying that they are related to them and tracing their line back to Ephraim and Manasseh, the descendants of Joseph. So, then, with splendour and a show of great eagerness on his behalf, they met the king when he was hardly out of Jerusalem. * Cf. Josephus’s citation from Hecataeus of Abderain Ap. i. 192 ff. The genuineness of these citations from Hecataeus , has been recently reaffirmed by H. Lewy in Zeitschrift fiir «“--- neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 31, 1932, pp. 117-132. / δ Greek Sikima, οὐ Ant. ν. 69 note d. © Cf. Ant. ix. 291 and note. 4 The variant omits ‘* suddenly.” 479 343 344 345 JOSEPHUS Hela τῶν ἹἹεροσολύμων. ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ αὐτοὺς Eanes dvdpov ot Σικιμῖται προσῆλθον αὐτῷ πρι παραλαβόντες καὶ οὗς Σαναβαλλέτης πρὸς αὐτὸν στρατιώτας ἀπέστειλε καὶ παρεκάλουν παραγενό- μένον εἰς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν τιμῆσαι καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἱερόν. ὁ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνο" μὲν αὖθις ὑποστρέφων παρέξειν" ὑπέσχετο πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀξιούντων δὲ ἀφεῖναι" τὸν φόρον αὐτοῖς τοῦ ἑβδοματικοῦ, ἔ ἔτους, οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς σπείρειν ἐν αὐτῷ, τίνες ὄντες ταῦτα παρακαλοῦσιν ἐπυνθάνετο. τῶν δ᾽ εἰπόντων “EBpatou μὲν εἶναι, χρηματίζειν δ᾽ οἱ ev. “Σικίμοις Σιδώνιοι," πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἐπηρώτησεν εἰ τυγχάνουσιν ᾿Ιουδαῖοι. τῶν δ᾽ οὐκ εἶναι φαμένων “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε ταῦτα,᾽ εἶπεν, “᾿᾿Ιουδαίοις ἔδωκα, ὑποστρέψας μέντοι ye. Kal διδαχθεὶς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀκριβέστερον ποιήσω τὰ δόξαντα. τοῖς μὲν. οὖν Σικιμίταις οὕτως ἀπετάξατο. τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου στρατιώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἕπεσθαι εἰς Αἴγυπτον" ἐκεῖ. yap αὐτοῖς δώσειν κλήρους γῆς" ὃ καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐποίησεν ἐν τῇ Θηβαΐδι, φρουρεῖν τὴν χώραν αὐτοῖς προστάξας. 1 ἐκείνοις V. 5 ἥξειν FVE Lat.: ἕξειν W: ἰδεῖν Ῥ, 3 ἀφιέναι FLOV. 4 χρηματίζειν . . . Σιδώνιοι] Sichimitas autem a Sidontis nuncupari Lat. ΠΣ « Or “ commended.” δ The variant (after “ promised ᾽᾽) “ἕο come ”’ is obviously corrupt. ¢ Of. Ant. xii. 257 ff. M. Rostovtzeff in Conthetaan Ancient History, vii. 191, commenting on. the colonizing activity of the Phoenician cities, writes, ‘‘ at Marissa in Palestine there certainly existed [in Ptolemaic and Seleucid times] a colony of Sidonians, for the most part Greeks. .. . 480 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 342-345 And, when Alexander encouraged* them, the Shechemites. approached him, bringing along the soldiers whom Sanaballetés had sent to him, and invited him to come to their city and honour the temple there as well. Thereupon he promised to ὁ this request ὃ another time when he should come back to them, but, when they asked him to remit their tribute in the seventh year, saying that they did not sow therein, he inquired who they were that they made this request. And, when they said that they were Hebrews but were called the Sidonians of Shechem, * he again asked them whether they were Jews. Then, as they said that they were not, he replied, “ But I have given these privileges to the Jews. However, when I return and have more exact information from you, I shall do as I think best.” With these words, then, he sent the She- chemites away. But the soldiers of Sanaballetés he ordered to accompany him to Egypt; there, he said, he would give them allotments of land, as in fact he did shortly afterwards, in the Thebaid, and this territory he ordered them to guard.¢ We must bring this into relation with the well-known ex- a of letters between Antiochus and the Sidonians at Shechem. .. . Such semi-Greeks from the Phoenician cities were probably scattered in groups throughout Judaea and Samaria.” But Josephus must not be understood to mean that the Jews recognized Sanballat and his friends even as semi-Greeks. __ 4 In Ptolemaic Egypt there was a village in the Fayum (about 65 miles S. of the apex of the Delta) called Samareia. There seems to be no other ancient reference to Samaritans in the Thebaid, which, in Josephus’s time, could hardly have included. the Fayum district, ef. Strabo, xvii. 3 (ce. 787). Niese, GG MS ii. 112 n. 2, thinks this statement “‘ ganz unzuverlassig.” On the Samaritans in Alexandria ef. Ant. xiii. 74 ff., and in Egypt generally, Ant. xii. 7 ff. 481 JOSEPHUS 846. (7) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ εἰς τοὺς διαδόχους" ἐμερίσθη," τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Tape- ζεὶν «ὄρους ἱερὸν ἔμεινεν εἰ δέ τις αἰτίαν “ἔσχε παρὰ τοῖς ἹἹεροσολυμίταις κοινοφαγίας ἢ τῆς ἐν τοῖς σαββάτοις παρανομίας ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου 347 ἁμαρτήματος, παρὰ τοὺς Σικιμίτας ἔφευγε, λέγων ἀδίκως ἐκβεβλῆσθαι.' τετελευτήκει δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιαδδοῦς καὶ τὴν ᾿ἀρχιερωσύνην ᾿Ονίας ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ παρειλήφει. τὰ μὲν δὴ. “περὶ τοὺς ἹἹεροσολυμίτας ἐν τούτοις ἐτύγ- χανεν ὄντα. ᾿ 1 διαφόρους PFV. 3 διεμερίσθη AWE. 3. ἔμενεν LAWE. 4 ἐγκεκλῆσθαι WE: ἐκκεκλῆσθαι V: culpari Lat. 482 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI. 346-347 (7) When Alexander died,* his empire was par- Jewish titioned among his successors (the Diadochi) ; as join the for the temple on Mount Garizein, it remained. 5#maratins. And, whenever anyone was accused by the people of Jerusalem of eating unclean food or violating the Sabbath or committing any other such sin, he would flee to the Shechemites, saying that he had. been unjustly expelled.’ Now by that time the high priest Jaddiis was also dead, and his son Onias © succeeded to the high priesthood. This, then, was the way thiags were with the people of Jerusalem at that time. * In June, 323 5.6. . Ὁ Variant “* accused.” ἐν ἢ © The first of several high priests of that name in the pre- Hasmonaean period, cf. Appendix Bin Vol. VII. 488. APPENDIX A 0 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 tt rj ἢ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ Θ ΠΗ : 1 me στρατευσάμενος ὁ ᾿Αχάβου παῖς je papos ἐπὶ MwaBiras ἐ ἐκράτησεν αὐτῶν. ᾿ B51 QS"o ὁμώνυμος αὐτῷ ᾿Ιώραμος βαδιλέύων τῶν “ἱἱἹεροσολυμιτῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν πᾶσαν λαβὼν" τούς 3 Α ‘ \ A , > / τε ἀδελφοὺς Kal τοὺς πατρῴους φίλους ἀπέκτεινεν. y’ Ὅτι τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας ἀποστάσης καὶ στρα- , a3 Cette. , “ , ie τευσάντων" ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ᾿Αράβων 7 τε δύναμις αὐτοῦ “ ὃ θ 7 " ε to > ~ /, ce 5 πᾶσα διεφθάρη καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ πάρεξ ἑνὸς ὄντος ἔτι νηπίου καὶ πρὸς τούτοις αὐτὸς ἀσεβὴς γενόμενος κακῶς τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν. ὃ΄. Στρατεία τοῦ Σύρων καὶ Δαμασκοῦ βασι- λέως ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλέα ᾿Ιώραμον, καὶ πῶς πολιορκηθεὶς οὗτος ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ παρα- δόξως τὸν κίνδυνον διέφυγεν. ’ « 2.8 > - > / ε ‘ > - ε΄. Ὡς αὐτὸς ᾿Ιώραμος ἀπέθανεν ὑπὸ ᾿Ιηοῦ 1 numeros om, MSP. 2 πᾶσαν λαβὼν) παραλαβὼν conj. Niese. 8 TIII Lat. in quo hoc caput post quartum exhibetur, 4 στρατοπεδευσάντων MSP, @ Several mss. omit the section numberings in Books 484 APPENDIX A AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS BOOK IX In this edition SECTION PAGE (i) * How Achab’s (Ahab’s) son Jora- mos (Joram) marched against the Moa- bites and conquered them ὃ ; 29 | 17 (ii) How Joramos, his namesake, rul- ing over Jerusalem, seized complete power, and killed his brothers and the friends of his father . 95 | 51 (iii) How, when Idumaea (Edom) re- volted, and the Arabs marched against him, his entire force was destroyed, and how his sons, with the exception of one, who was still an infant, and he himself with them died a miserable death be- cause of his impiety . G ὦ ΤῊ 102 | 55 (iv) * The campaign of the king of | Syria and Damascus against Joramos, king of the Israelites, and how, when he was besieged in Samaria, he miracu- lously. escaped danger f . ’ 60 | 33 v) How Joramos met a violent death at the hands of Jeus (Jehu), the com- ® The table omits to mention Jehosaphat, Ahaziah and Elijah, §§ 1-28. ¢ This section belongs before section iii, 485 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IX > 6 ‘ a ¢ / y AS \ > ~ a2 ἀναιρεθεὶς τοῦ ἱππάρχου, Kal ἡ γενεὰ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ὁ τῶν “ἱεροσολύμων βασιλεὺς ᾿Οχοζίας. / σ \ \ 4, Ἁ © Ae ~ ς΄. Ὅτι μετὰ τὴν τούτου τελευτὴν ὁ ᾿Ιηοῦς ἐβασίλευσε τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν, ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ δια- τρίβων, καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ γενεὰς τέσσαρας. ζ΄. Ὡς γυνή τις ᾿Οθλία' τοὔνομα τῶν “Tepo- σολυμετῶν ἐβασίλευσξι ἐπὶ ἔτη πέντε, καὶ ἀνελὼν αὐτὴν 6 ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιώδας" τὸν Oyo ia παῖϑα ᾿Ἰωάσην ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα. | H ", ᾽᾿Αζαήλου τοῦ Δαμασκηνῶν 1 /aoute) ἐπὶ 7 ή μ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας στρατεία καὶ ὡς πόλλὰ κακὰ τήν / > ~ ὃ θ ‘ \ A > : ’, 3 sy, 4 τε χώραν αὐτῶν διαθεὶς καὶ τὴν Σαμαρέων" πόλιν, ὀλίγῳ πάλιν' ὕστερον χρόνῳ στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τοὺς ‘IepocoAvpitas καὶ πολλὰ χρήματα λαβὼν παρὰ “- ’ > ~ > ‘ > ϑ : τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἀνέζευξεν. θ΄. ‘Qs ᾿Αμασίας ὁ τῶν ἹἹεροσδλυμιτῶν βασιλεὺς v4 55 nesta ἐπὶ ᾿Ιδουμαίους Kal ᾿Αμαληκίτας ἐνὑκησεν. Be vy - ‘ 7 Φ ι΄. ‘Qs αὐτὸς οὗτος πολεμῶν. πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισραη- λιτῶν βασιλέα ᾿Ιώασον ἡττᾶται μέν, ληφθεὶς δὲ αἰχμάλωτος καὶ πολλὰ χρήματα δοὺς ἀπελύθη πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν, καὶ ὡς" ὃ παῖς αὐτοῦ > / A / ” >? 4 Ofias τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη ἐχειρώσατο. 1 Τοθολία MSP Lat. 2 ᾿Ιωάδας RO: Ioahdas Lat, 8 Σαμαρειτῶν MSP. 4 ὀλίγῳ πάλιν om. MSP. i 5 καὶ ὡς κτλ, decimo cap. ascribit Lat., undecimo codd. 486 : ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE mander of his horse, together with his family and Ochozias (Ahaziah), the king of Jerusalem (vi) How, after Joramos’s death, Jeus ruled over Israel, residing at Samaria, as did his sons for four generations vii) How a certain woman named (Athaliah) ruled over Jerusalem for five years, and how the high priest Jodas (Jehoiada) put her to death, and appointed Joases (Joash), the son of Ochozias, king . (viii) The campaign of Azaélos (Hazael), king of Damascus, against the Israelites, and how, after inflicting many injuries on their country and on the city of Samaria, he marched against the people of Jerusalem a little while there- after,* and taking a great sum of money from their king, marched back to/ Damascus :} (ix) How Amasias (Amaziah), the king of Jerusalem, marched against the Idumaeans (Edomites) and Amalekites and defeated them . (x) How this same king w was defeated in his war with Joasos (Joash), the king \ of Israel, and was taken captive, and | after. giving him a great sum of money, was permitted to return to his own king- _ dom, and how his son Ozias (Uzziah) subdued the surrounding nations @ The yariant omits *‘ a little while thereafter.” 114 125 140 159 170 186 199 61 67 75 “ey 91 105 487 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IX ια΄. Στρατεία τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν. βασιλέως “Ἵεροβάμου" ἐπὶ Συρίαν καὶ νίκη. up’? Ὡς ὁ ὁ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλεὺς. στρατευσά- μενος ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν, καὶ πολλὰ χρήματα mapa Φακέα τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν εἰσπραξάμενος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν “ὑπέστρεψεν. ιγ΄. Ὅτι ἘΑΜΕΤ ΤῊΝ ἱῬαασσεὶν" ὁ Δαμα- σκοῦ βασιλεὺς ἐ ἐπὶ ἹἹεροσολυμίτας ἡ ἠνάγκασεν ᾿Αχά- ζην τὸν βασιλέα πέμψαντα χρήματα πολλὰ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ᾿Ασσυρίων πεῖσαι τούτοις αὐτὸν ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν στρατεύσασθαι. ιδ΄, Ὡς κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν ὁ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλεὺς Δαμασκὸν καὶ διέφθειρε μὲν αὐτῶν. τὸν βασιλέα, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἀναστήσας εἰς Μηδίαν ἕτερα ἔθνη κατῴκισεν ev Δαμασκῷ. ιε΄. ‘Qs Σαλμανάσαρ ὁ ὁ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλεὺς στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ πέντε πολιορ- κήσας ἔτεσιν ἐν αὐτῇ τὸν τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλέα ᾿ΩὩσῆν παραστησάμενος τὴν πόλιν ἀπέκτεινεν. ᾿ ις΄. Καὶ ὡς ὁ ᾿Ασσύριος τὰς δέκα τῶν Ἰσραη- λυτῶν φυλὰς εἰς τὴν Μηδίαν κατοικίσας, ἐκ τῆς Περσίδος τὸ τῶν Χουθαίων ἔθνος εἰς τὴν ἐκείνων μετήγαγε χώραν, οὗς Ἕλληνες Σαμαρεῖς καλοῦσιν. Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ ζ΄ μηνῶν. 1 Ἰωράμου MP: ἸἸωράβου 5. * w’ RO, sic et in seqq. diff, codd. 8 *Apaciy M: A pact P: ᾿Αρασής S: Rasin Lat. * From King Menahem, erconding to Josephus and Scrip- ture. 488 ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (xi) The campaign of Jeroboam, the king of Israel, against Syria, and his victory. : : pA ‘ : (xii) How theking of Assyria marched against Samaria, and after taking a eat sum of money from Phakeas (Pekah),* its king, returned to his own ' (xiii) How Raassein (Rezin), the king of Damascus, marched against the people of Jerusalem,and forced Achazes (Ahaz), their king, to send a great sum of money to the king of Assyria in order to persuade him by this means to march against Damascus . ; . ‘ (xiv) How the king of Assyria, after ing Damascus by storm, put its king to death, and removing its inhabitants to Media, settled other peoples. in Damas ey ye | 252 1 185 (xv) How Salmanasar, the king of Assyria, marched against Samaria, and on forcing the city to surrender after a siege of five years, killed Oses (Hosea), the king of Israel, therein ὃ . 33 (xvi) And how the Assyrian settled the ten tribes of Israel in Media, and transported from Persia to their country the Chuthaean nation, whom the Greeks call Samarians (Samaritans) . | 279 | 147 This book covers a period of a hundred and fifty years and seven months. αὐ According to Josephus and Scripture Hosea was im- <—— onedtor Lilien. 489 205 109 232 | 123 244 129 277 |) 147 ὕ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X BIBAION I α΄. Στρατεία tod ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλέως Leva- χειρίβου" ἐπὶ “Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ πολιορκία τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν" ’Elexiov. β΄. ‘Qs ἐφθάρη τὸ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων στράτευμα" λοιμικῶς ἐν μιᾷ νυκτί, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἀναζεύξας οἴκαδε ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς τῶν τέκνων ἀπ- έθανεν. γ΄. Ὥς τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον μετ᾽ εἰρήνης Ἐζεκίας διαγαγὼν ἐτελεύτησε, διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας Μανασσῆν καταλιπών. δ΄. Ὅτι στρατεύσαντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ Χαλδαίων καὶ Βαβυλωνίων βασιλεῖς καὶ νικήσαντες “αὐτὸν αἰχμάλωτον λαβόντες ἤγαγον εἰς “Βαβυλῶνα, καὶ κατασχόντες αὐτόθι πολὺν χρόνον εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν" πάλιν ἀπέλυσαν. eo? Te τὸν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα Νεχαῶνα στρα- τευσάμενον ἐπὶ Βαβυλωνίους καὶ ποιούμενον διὰ τῆς Ιουδαίας τὴν ὁδὸν" κωλύων ὁ ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἰωσίας ὑπαντᾷ" μάχης δὲ γενομένης τραυματίας κομισθεὶς εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τελευτᾷ, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωά- ζην ἀπέδειξαν οἱ ἱἱἹεροσολυμῦται βασιλέας A δ 1 numeros om. MSPLYV. 2 Σεναχειρίμου O: LevvayerpiBov MS(P): Meribel ἐ- στ LV: Sennacherib Lat. εἰς 4 αὐτῶν om. MLV Lat. fort. recte, 5 + ὅλον ‘SPLY. 8 τὴν Bac. ex Lat. Niese: τὴν αὐτὴν Bac. codd.: τὴν: αὐτοῦ Bac. ed. pr. τ᾽ δίοδον ROSPLV. @ Variant “ the entire.” ὃ Against the Medes and Babylonians, according to Josephus; against the king of Assyria, according to a ture. 490 ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS Z BOOK X (i) The campaign of Senacheiribos (Sennacherib), the king of Assyria, against Jerusalem, and the siege of its king Ezekias (Hezekiah) ; : . (ii) How the * army of the Assyrians was destroyed by a plague in one night, and how. eit king, after BE af τὴ home, was treacherously put to death by his sons (Gili) How Ezekias died after passing the rest of his life in peace, and left Manasses (Manasseh) as his successor onthe throne . : : Sy ‘ae ὧν (iv) How the kings of Chaldaea and Babylonia marched against him and after defeating him and taking him captive, carried him off to Babylon, and after holding him there a long while, permitted him to return to his own ._ (vy) How Nechaos (Necho), the king of Egypt, marched against the Baby- lonians ® and was raking his ean through Judaea when he was prevented by King Josias (Josiah) who came to meet him, and how, after a battle was fought, Josias was wounded and carried to Jerusalem, where he died, and how the people of Jerusalem chose his son Joazes (Jehoahaz) as king ¢ SECTION 21 24 74 PAGE 157 169 171 181 197 * The table omits to mention the discovery of the Book of the Law in the reign of Josiah. 491 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X , o.: vay συμβαλὼν ὁ Νεχαὼς τῷ τῶν Βαβυλω- νίων βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὸν Εὐφράτεν ποταμὸν καὶ ὑποστρέφων εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἧκεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ τὸν μὲν ᾿Ιωάζην ἤγαγεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, τὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωάκειμον ἀπέδειξε' βασιλέα τῶν ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν. ki Ναβουχοδονοσάρου τοῦ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βα- σιλέως στρατεία εἰς Συρίαν, καὶ ὡς πᾶσαν αὐτὴν καταστρεψάμενος ἄχρι τῶν ὅρων τῶν Αἰγυπτίωι ἀνέβη εἰς ἹἹεροσόλυμα, καὶ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν ᾿Ιωάκειμον φίλον » ἠνάγκασεν εἶναι καὶ σύμμαχον. η΄. ‘Qs μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τὴν τοῦ Βαβυ- λωνίου πάλιν ὁ ᾿Ιωάκειμος ἐφρόνησε τὰ τῶν. Αὐ- γυπτίων, καὶ στρατεύσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν 6 Ναβουχοδο- νόσαρος καὶ πολιορκήσας τῆς πόλεως παραδούσης ἑαυτὴν μετὰ χρόνον, τὸν μὲν ᾿Ιωάκειμον ἀπέκτεινεν, ᾿Ιωάκειμον" δὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ" “κατέστησε βασιλέα: καὶ ὡς πολλὰ χρήματα λαβὼν ἐκ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων εὐθέως εἰς Συρίαν ὑπέστρεψεν. θ΄. Ὅτι μετανοήσας ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ᾿Ιωάκειμον ποιῆσαι βασιλέα καὶ στρατεύσας, ἐπὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα ἐγκρατὴς τοῦ ᾿Ιωακείμου γίνεται παραδόντος αὑτὸν μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῶν φίλων, ὅπως" Ἐ ἔλαβε πολλοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ὁ Βαβυλώνιος, καὶ ὁ ἀγαβημαγα 1 ἀνέδειξε RO. * ᾿Ιωάχιμον M'SP: ἸΙωάκιμον M?: ἸΙωαχημον L: Toach Lat. a+ ὁμώνυμον αὐτῷ ὑπάρχοντα (τυγχάνοντα LV) SP LV. 4 ὅπως cap. X incip. codd., IX contin. Lat. : * Necho carried off Jehoahaz to Egypt (§ 83) before his battle with Nebuchadnezzar at the cup rai (§ 84). Possibly the author of the table confuses this campa a with Necho’s earlier march to the Euphrates against the I edes and Baby- lonians (cf. note ὁ, p. 490). 492 ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE vi) How Nechaos engaged the king of Babylonia at the Euphrates river, and onhis return to Egypt came to Jerusalem and took Joazes (Jehoahaz) to Egypt.” and appointed his brother Joakeimos (Jehoiakim) as king of Jerusalem - | 84 | 201 (vii) The campaign of Nabucho- donosaros (Nebuchadnezzar), king of Babylonia, against Syria, and how, after subduing the entire country as far as the border of Egypt, he went up to Jeru- salem and forced its king Joakeimos to be his friend and ally 84 | 203 (viii) How, after the withdrawal of the Babylonian king, Joakeimos (Je- hoiakim) again took the side of the Egyptians, and how Nabuchodonosaros marched against him and besieged the city (of Jerusalem), and when after a time it surrendered to him, killed Joakeimos and made his son?” king ; and how, after taking a great sum of money from J erurtlent, he speedily returned to Syria®.. 88 | 207 (ix) How Nabuchodonosaros, repent- ing of having made Joakeimos (Jehoia- chin) king, marched against Jerusalem and got Joakeimos into his power after he had given himself up together with his mother and his friends ; and how the Babylonian king, after taking many captives and carrying off the dedicatory- » The variant adds ‘* who had the same name.” ¢ The table omits to mention the prophecies of Jeremiah. 493 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, X-XI. βαστάσας ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα, τὸν ᾿Ϊεχονίου θεῖον Σεδεκίαν, τῶν ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν βασιλέα καταστήσας. ι΄. Ὡς καὶ τοῦτον ἀκούσας βούλεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους “συμμαχίαν ποιήσασθαι καὶ φιλίαν, στρατεὔσας ἐ ἐπὶ τὰ ἹἹεροσόλυμα. κατὰ κράτος αἱρεῖ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ, καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐμπρήσας τὸν τῶν ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν δῆμον καὶ Σεδεκίαν μετῴκισεν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. ια΄ ‘Os Ναβουχοδονόσαρος τελευτήσας. διά- δοχον καταλείπει τῆς βασιλείας. τὸν υἱόν, καὶ ὡς καταλύεται ἡ τούτων ἀρχὴ ὑπὸ Κύρου τοῦ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλέως. A τ ιβ΄. Ὅσα συνέβη τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν παρὰ τοῖς Βαβυλωνίοις. ι Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν pr μῆνας ς΄ ἡμέρας «ι΄. ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ IA α΄. ‘Os Κῦρος 6 Περσῶν βασιλεὺς τοὺς ᾿Ιου- δαίους ἀπολύσας ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸν ναόν, δοὺς αὐτοῖς χρήματα. ΄, Ὅτι διεκώλυσαν αὐτοὺς οἱ τοῦ “βασιλέως 1 Σαχχίαν ex Lat. Niese. 2 numeros hab. FV? Lat., om. rell. ® The table omits the story of Gedaliah’s Borer and assassination. > The story of Daniel is meant. 404 σον ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE offerings from the temple, returned to Babylon, making Sedekias (Zedekiah), thes wee of Jechonias (J ebplactiin} f Jerusalem 99 | 211 ix) ow Nabuchodonosaros, on hear- ing that this king also wished to make an alliance of friendship with the Egyp- tians, marched against Jerusalem and forcibly took it by siege, and after burning the temple, transported Sede- kias and the people of Jerusalem to Babylon?. 108 | 217 (xi) How Nabuchodonosaros αὐ his death left his son to succeed to_ his throne, and how the power of the Baby- lonians was destroyed by Cyrus,) the king of Persia . 229 | 285 (xii) What things befell the Jews in Babylonia during this time? : 237 | 289 This book covers a period of a hundred and cighty- two years, six months and ten days. — BOOK XI SECTION PAGE (i) How Cyrus, the king of Persia, sent back the Jews from Babylon to their dwn country, and permitted them to build their temple, giving them money therefor . 1 | 315 (ii) How the officers of the king ὁ pre- © i.e, the Samaritans. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI ἡγεμόνες κατασκευάσαι τὸ ἱερόν, ἐμποδὼν γενό- μενοι τοῖς ἔργοις. γ΄. ‘Qs Κύρου τελευτήσαντος Καμβύσης. ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἐκ παντὸς ἀπ- ἡγόρευσε τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸν ναόν. δ΄. Ὅτι Δαρεῖος ὁ ‘Yordaomew' βασιλεύσας Περσῶν ἐτίμησεν τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος καὶ τὸν ναὸν αὐτῶν ἀνῳκοδόμησεν. εἴ Ὡς μετ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Ξέρξης οἰκείως πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους διετέθη. «΄. Ὅτι βασιλεύοντος ᾿Αρταξέρξου Ἰουδαίων πᾶν" τὸ ἔθνος ἐκινδύνευσεν " δι Ὡς Βαγώσης ὁ ᾿Αρταξέρξου τοῦ νεωτέρου στρατηγὸς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐξύβρισεν. ᾿ η΄. Ὡς “τῷ Μακεδόνων. βασιλεὺς ᾿Αλέξανδρος εὐεργέτησεν αὐτούς, κρατήσας τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας. Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν σμγ΄ paquiair: ΑἸ lL Ὕστάσπεο F: Ὑστάσπο, ο ex ὠ corr. A: Ὑστάσπεως V: Ὑστάσπεος W : lustepius Lat. 2 Ιουδαίων πᾶν] μικροῦ τῶν "lovdaiwy πᾶν Vi: μικροῦ πᾶν AW. 3 + δι ᾽᾿Αμάνου δόλον FLV. 4 ὅσα AVW Lat. @ The table omits to mention Zerubbabel. > The story of Ezra and Nehemiah is meant. ¢ Variant ‘‘ almost the entire.” 496 ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS vented them from constructing the arr tg ἐδ: by interfering with their ber How on ‘Cyrus’ s death his son Cambyses assumed sovereign power, and strictly forbade the Jews to build theirtemple . (iv) How Darius, the son of Hys- taspes, on becoming king of Persia, honoured the Jewish nation and rebuilt their temple? . (v) How after him his son Xerxes was also kindly disposed toward the Jews ὃ. (vi) How during the reign of Arta- xerxes the entire “ (Jewish) nation was WEPOMB EES ey NAAN bs revqutl sean (vii) How Bagoses, the governor of Artaxerxes the Younger (II), inflicted many outrages on the Jews : (viii) How Alexander, the king of Macedon, took Judaea and conferred benefits on the Jews . . SECTION 19 26 PAGE 323 327 329 373 403 457 461 This book covers a period of two hundred and forty-three years and five months. 4 The variant adds “through the plotting of Haman.” The story of Esther is meant. - - APPENDIX B ; JOSEPHUS ON THE Bade aeetiaiin Seteiaae asqaet (Ant. xi. εὐ Selected literature : Biichler, A., “‘ La relation de Joséphe concernant Alexanite le Grand,” REJ xxxvi, 1898, PP. 1-26. Cowley, A., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century. 1913. Rissfeldt, O., Einleitung in das Alte Testament. 1934. Gaster, M., The Samaritans (Schweich Lectures). 1925. Hilscher, G., Paléstina in der persischen und Aelleni- stischen Zeit: 1903. 7 γ π ῳ “Ezra-Nehemiah,” in Die heilige Schrift des alten — Testaments, ed. Kautzsch. 4th εα, 1923.. ae We Hoonacker, A. van, “La Succession chronologique Néhemie—Esdras,” RB xxxii, 1923, ΡΡ. 481- 404 ; xxxiii, 1924, pp. 33-64. Kittel, R., Geschichte des Volkes Israel. iii. 2. 1929, Mittwoch, E., “Der Wiederaufbau des jiidischen Tempels in Elephantine,”’ Festschrift Cohen. 1912. Montgomery, J., The Samaritans. 1907. Morgenstern, J., “ Supplementary Studies in the Calendars of Ancient Israel,” HUCA x, 1935, pp. 1-148. 498 APPENDIX B Motzo, B., “Una fonte sacerdotale antisamaritana di Giuseppe,’ > in Saggi di Storia e Letteratura -ellenistica. 1924. Offord, J., “ Sanballat in Josephus and the Elephan- tine Papyri;” PEF 1919, pp. 86-87. Spak, : ΝᾺ Der Bericht des Josephus iiber Alexander den 'Groveen: 1911. Torrey, C., “‘ Sanballat ‘The Horonite;! ” JBL x\vii, 1928, pp. 380-389. Tscherikower, A., Jews and Greeks (in Hebrew). 1930. Book XI of the Antiquities relates the history of the Jews under Persian rule, from the first Achaemenid king, Cyrus, to the last, Darius III. The narrative, up to § 297, is based on three biblical books, 1 Esdras, the Greek version of Nehemiah (perhaps in an abbre- viated form or in a recension somewhat different from the extant texts, but see below), and the Greek version of Esther. Ἑϊότὰ § 297 on Josephus makes use of extra-biblical sources and relates two incidents other- wise unknown to us ; the first is the conflict between the high priest Joannes (bibl. Johanan) and his brother Jesus (Jeshua) supported by the Persian governor Bagoses ; the second is the conflict between the high priest J addus (bibl. Jaddua) and his brother Manasses (bibl. Manasseh) supported by his father- in-law, the Samaritan leader Sanballat, who is later brought into relation with Alexander the Great. As-we have seen (8 297 note g), the text of the pas- sage in which Bagoses is introduced is not certain. One reading (plausibly emended) has “ Bagoses, the general (or “ governor ’’) of the second Artaxerxes ” the variant has simply “ Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes,” not specifying which king of that name 499 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI is meant. Even if the former reading contains a gloss in the words “ the second,” it may quite well be a correct gloss. The context is not decisive ; the pre- ceding section deals with the story of Esther, whom Josephus places in the reign of Artaxerxes I (464-424 B.c.) ; if, therefore, we read “ Artaxerxes ”’ instead of ‘‘ the second Artaxerxes,” we should suppose that the same king is meant. On the other hand the section following introduces Johanan’s immediate successor Jaddua who is said to be a contemporary of Darius III and Alexander the Great ; this would indicate that Bagoses lived in the reign of Artaxerxes III Ochus (359-338 B.c.). But it is unlikely that Josephus would pass from Artaxerxes I in the Esther story to Arta- xerxes III without some intimation that a different king is meant. Itis therefore probable that we should accept the reading “ the second Artaxerxes ” and place Bagoses in the reign of Artaxerxes IT Mnemon (404-359 B.c.). The fact that a Persian general of the same name is mentioned in connexion with Artaxerxes III by Diodorus Siculus, xvi. 47, is hardly of signifi- cance ; the name is not uncommon and there may well have been several Persian generals or governors of that name ; moreover, the Bagoses of Diodorus is not connected with Judaea. The evidence of the Aramaic papyri from, Ele- phantine (Aram. Yeb) in Upper Egypt makes it even more probable that Bagoses belongs to the reign of Artaxerxes II, We learn from them that the Persian governor of Judaea in 408 8.c. (near the end of the reign of Darius II, the predecessor of Artaxerxes ΠῚ was Bigwai (of which Bagoses is the hellenized form, cf. ὃ 297 note f) and that he was a contemporary of the high priest Johanan. Nowitis extremely unlikely 500 APPENDIX B that fifty years later there was another Persian governor named Bigwai contemporary with a high priest named Johanan. We may therefore safely assume that Josephus’s Bagoses is the Bigwai of the papyri. Moreover, the political situation indicated by the papyri helps us understand the conflict between the Persian governor and the high priest much better than the fanciful story told by Josephus enables us todo. The following was, in brief, the situation in Palestine in the last decade of the 5th century B.c. In 408 B.c. the leaders of the Jewish community at Elephantine in Upper Egypt wrote to Bigwai, complaining that the Egyptians, in league with the local Persian official Waidrang, had destroyed their temple, and they appealed to Bigwai to help them rebuild it and resume the offering of grain, incense and animal sacrifice or burnt-offering (‘alw*tha). Their letter (No. 30 ed. Cowley) also states that three years previously they had written to “‘ Johanan the high priest and his colleagues the priests who are in Jerusalem . . . and the nobles of Jerusalem,” asking them for help, but had received no answer. They now appeal to Bigwai, adding,“ Also the whole matter we have set forth ina letter in our name to Delaiah and Shelemiah, the sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria.” Subsequently Bigwai and Delaiah replied (No. 32) that the Jews of antine might rebuild their temple and offer “ the-meal-offering and incense upon that altar as formerly was done,’’ On this\Cowley remarks, “ Note that “alw*tha is omitted—no doubt intentionally. It is generally supposed that the animal sacrifices had offended the Egyptians, and that this was sufficient to make Bigvai discountenance them, apart from any VOL. VI R 501 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI view which the priests at Jerusalem might hold and with which Bigvai might or might not sympathize. But, as Ed. Meyer points out (Papyrusfund p. 88), the Egyptians did themselves sacrifice certain animals, and he thinks that the prohibition was due to the Zoroastrian view that fire was profaned by contact with dead bodies.” But the latter objection might apply equally to the animal sacrifices at Jerusalem. More plausible is the explanation offered by Mitt- woch. He believes that the Jerusalem priests opposed animal sacrifices at a temple outside Jerusalem, while the Samaritans, who were opposed to the Jerusalem priesthood, probably looked with favour on such a rival temple and cult ; as for Bigwai, he found himself in a difficult position between the conflicting views of the Samaritans and the priests at Jerusalem, and so effected a compromise by allowing the Jews of Ele- phantine to rebuild their temple and make the usual offerings with the exception of the burnt-offering. A more detailed reconstruction of the political situa- tion is offered by Morgenstern, which seems to me to account most satisfactorily for the attitude of Bigwai as indicated both in the papyri and in has hte There are some points in his theory which take a great deal for granted, but what he has to say concerning our immediate problem is worth quoting at some length. ‘ The murder of Jesus by Johanan must have been far more than a mere personal incident. Jose- phus states very plainly that Jesus too was an aspirant for the high-priesthood, and that in this ambition he enjoyed the support of Bagoas, the then Persian governor of Palestine. This Bagoas must have been the successor of Nehemiah in this high office, though whether the immediate successor, lack of evidence 502 ~ APPENDIX B ᾿ forbids us to determine. Josephus represents him as pursuing a policy of oppression of the Jews of Pales- tine, but this probably overstates the case. Josephus ~ wrote, of course, ' from the standpoint of the extreme of Ezra and Nehemiah which came in time, and with only comparatively slight ameliora- tion, to dominate the spirit of Judaism for centuries, _ But Josephus does record that this Bagoas supported Jesus in his candidacy for the high-priesthood ; and this was certainly the same Bagoas to whom in 408 s.c. the Jews of Elephantine addressed their petition for permission to rebuild their temple of ᾿ Yahweh. Moreover, it is significant that not only ~ did Bagoas grant the desired permission, but also that in so doing he associated himself with Delaiah, the son of Sanballat, the Samaritan. It seems tede, therefore, that Bagoas was not so much an enemy and oppressor of the entire Jewish community of Palestine as that he sought to play a role of partisan politics in their affairs. Obviously too his affiliations were with the native and against the pro-Babylonian Jewish , as his association with Delaiah, the son of San- ballat, indicates.” Particularly important in this con- nexion is the footnote which Morgenstern appends to the statement about the grant of permission to the Jews of Elephantine to rebuild their temple, which we have touched on above. “It is an additional matter of interest and perhaps also of significance that the order of Bagoas permitted the offering of grain-sacrifices.and incense upon the altar of the Yahweh temple at Elephantine, but was altogether silent with regard to animal sacrifices. Undoubtedly this silence implied that the sacrifice of animals was not permitted, perhaps as Cowley suggests (op. cit. 503 ¥ A JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI 124), following Ed, Meyer, because such sacrifices would have done violence to the religious scruples of a zealous Zoroastrian. However, whatever the motive for this prohibition may have been, it is impossible not to correlate it with the fact recorded by Josephus, that Bagoas levied upon the Jews of Palestine a tax of fifty shekels for every lamb slaughtered for the daily sacrifice in the Temple. A tax so extreme must have been almost prohibitive. This may, therefore, well have been a superficially diplomatic means by which Bagoas sought to abrogate the offering of animal sacrifices also in the Temple at Jerusalem.” . We may now, as briefly as possible, consider the problem of the more or less final break between the Judaeans and the inhabitants of the region round Shechem or Samaria. We must remember that there had long been hostility between Jerusalem and the North (bibl. Ephraim)—as early as the reign of David. We should also bear in mind the possibility that even after Nehemiah’s time there may have been friendly relations between at least some of the leaders of the Jerusalem community and the Samaritans., But that there was a definite separation between the Judaeans as a whole and the people of Samaria in the time of Nehemiah can hardly be questioned. The problem remains whether the schism took place in the 5th century, as Scripture seems to indicate, or at the time of Alexander the Great, as Josephus states. We must, therefore, attempt to determine the relation of the Sanballat of Josephus’s narrative to Sanballat the Horonite of the book of Nehemiah. First, a word about the books of Ezra and Nehemiah as sources for the history of the Persian period. These two books, originally one book, are now found before 504 APPENDIX B the last two books of the Hebrew Bible, the books of Chronicles ; these were also one book originally, preceding Fara-Nehemiah, The resemblances of style between the r part of Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles show that both books are part of a single work compiled by a writer with a special interest in the cult of the temple at Jerusalem and a prejudice against the Samaritans, whom he regards as the descendants of the eastern peoples settled in Saniadin by the Assyrians and therefore as not true Israelites. This writer, now generally known among biblical scholars as the Chronicler, probably published his work c. 300 B.c., although some scholars date it a century earlier, assuming that the references to the period following Nehemiah are later additions to the Chronicler’s book. The Chronicler is generally supposed to have based his history of Nehemiah’s period on the memoirs of Nehemiah himself ; these form the basis of Neh. i.-vii.; the following chapters, viii.-x. are out of place, as they clearly belong to the story of Ezra; chs. xi.-xiii. contain a ub desl of material which dates from a period-subsequent to Nehemiah’s. Almost allscholars accept the Nehemiah narrative as substantially historical. There is, how- ever, no general agreement as to the dates of Nehe- miah’s two visits to Palestine. According to Neh. ii. 1 ff. Nehemiah first came to Jerusalem in the 20th year of Artaxerxes, but Scripture does not indicate which Artaxerxes is meant (the fact that one consonant in the spelling of the name is a phonetic variant of the consonant used in the name Artaxerxes mentioned in the Aramaic documents in the book of Ezra does not n i mean that the Chronicler or a later scribe meant to 505 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI distinguish two Persian kings of that name ;. and even if it did, the distinction throws no light.on the chronology of Nehemiah). If the king meant is Artaxerxes I (464-424 B.c.), Nehemiah came to Jeru- salem in 444 B.c.; if Artaxerxes II (404-359 B.c.) is meant, he came in 384 8.c. There are, however, histori- cal considerations of a general nature, excellently presented by Hoonacker, which make it probable, apart from the evidence of the Elephantine papyri, that Nehemiah served under Artaxerxes I, though it is only fair to note that many biblical scholars believe that the Chronicler meant Artaxerxes II. But if we take into account the evidence of the papyri, as well as the historical background and the succession of high priests, we may fairly claim much greater probability for the view that Nehemiah came to Jerusalem in 444 B.c. Nehemiah was a contem- porary of the high priest Eliashib, who was succeeded by his son Joiada, and he in turn by Johanan (read ** Johanan ”’ for ‘“‘ Jonathan τ᾿ in Neh. xii. 11, as in xi. 22). As there was only one high priest named Johanan in the Persian period, this Johanan must be identical with the Johanan of the papyri who was high priest in 411 3.c. Furthermore, according to Neh. xiii. 28 a son of Joiada, and therefore a brother of Johanan, was a son-in-law of Sanballat the Horonite. It seems clear, therefore, that Nehemiah, a con- temporary of Johanan’s grandfather, came to Jeru- salem in the reign of Artaxerxes I, and that his adversary, Sanballat the Horonite,; was the same person as the Sanballat mentioned in the papyri ; since the latter’s son Delaiah was obviously a mature person in 411 B.c., we may assume that Sanballat himself was a mature person thirty years earlier 506 APPENDIX B when Nehemiah came to Jerusalem. And if the preceding argument is correct, the Samaritan schism must have taken place in the second half of the 5th : -B.c., not in the second half of the 4th century as Josephus has it. Nowit has beenargued, by Torrey | among others (see below), that the fact that the Jews Ἑ of Elephantine appealed to the Samaritan leaders as well as to Bigwai in 408 B.c. shows that there was not yet a break between the people of Jerusalem and the Samaritans. But no such inference need be drawn. On the contrary, the fact that the Jews of Elephan- tine appealed to the Samaritans after they had been ignored by the priests of Jerusalem, the high priest Johanan, and “the nobles of the Jews,’ and the fact that Bigwai, the Persian governor, was allied with the Samaritans and hostile to Johanan (accord- ing to Josephus’s story), would indicate that there was a break between Judaeans and Samaritans, which the Jews of Elephantine learned about some time before 408 p.c. They may or may not have known about it when they first appealed to Johanan in 411 B.c. But it is likely that the schism had taken place soon after Nehemiah’s second visit to Jerusalem in 432 B.c. If, then, Nehemiah and Sanballat the Horonite belong to the 5th century s.c., the only way to vindi- cate the historicity of Josephus’s narrative about Jaddua, Manasses and Sanballat, at least in part, is to assume with Spak that the Sanballat of Josephus was not the adversary of Nehemiah, but his grandson, Sanballat Il, who, Spak further assumes, succeeded his father Delaiah as governor of Samaria and Bagoses as governor of Judaea (!). This, of course, makes it necessary, as Spak himself recognizes, to correct 507 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI Josephus’s statement (§ 302) that Sanballat was sent to Samaria as “satrap” by Darius III, the last Persian king. But the best answer to Spak’s argu- ment is that made by Cowley: “ The view that there were two Sanballats, each governor of Samaria and each with a daughter who married a brother of a High Priest, is a solution too desperate to be enter- tained.” There remains the somewhat different theory proposed by Torrey, which, while accepting Josephus’s story that the Samaritan schism occurred at the time of Alexander the Great’s arrival in Pales- i tine, and assuming the existence of two Sanballats, _ gets rid of the remarkable coincidence involved in Spak’s theory by assuming that Nehemiah came to Jerusalem under Artaxerxes II in 384 B.c. when there was not yet any schism, Torrey thinks, ac- cording to the evidence of the papyri (see above. for the answer to this argument) and that the San- ballat of Nehemiah was not the Sanballat of the papyri who lived in the 5th century, but Sanballat II about whom Josephus writes. Torrey does not, however, offer a single compelling reason to make us believe that Nehemiah came to Jerusalem under Artaxerxes II. Moreover, even if we were to grant that Nehemiah came in 384 B.c., there would be a chronological difficulty in the way of Torrey’s theory that it was Sanballat II who gave his daughter in marriage to the brother of the high priest ; for the Sanballat who opposed Nehemiah must have been a mature person, perhaps forty years old, in 384 B.c., and must there- fore have been a very old man, as indeed Josephus says he was, when Alexander arrived in 332 B.c. Now it is extremely unlikely that so old a man would have had a daughter young and attractive enough to 508 7 y " APPENDIX B hold the love of the high priest's brother (cf. § 309), for in ancient Palestine men married young and had children young. The story of Manasses and San- ballat is further weakened by the fact that it is not to be found in extant Samaritan traditions although these mention Alexander. _— _ It seems justifiable, therefore, to conclude that Josephus is mistaken in placing the Samaritan schism 6: 330 B.c. rather than c. 430 as Scripture indicates. This conclusion does not, however, apply to the date of the building of the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim, which may have been in the 4th century B.c. Itis not unlikely that for a good many years after the serious break c. 430 B.c. the Samaritans for one reason or another refrained from building a temple of their own, possibly because they continued to hope that one day they would secure at least partial control of the temple at Jerusalem. The problem remains why Josephus or his im- mediate—as opposed to his ultimate—source brought Sanballat into connexion with Alexander the Great. If the immediate source of Josephus’s Sanballat narra- tive is Alexander Polyhistor, as Hélscher supposes (PW art. Josephus), it is possible that the latter took over a Samaritan story which glorified the temple on Mount Gerizim by attributing its founding to the favour of Alexander the Great. Biichler, who has made an analysis of the composition of the latter part of Ant. xi., which is adopted by Tscherikower, also believes that the Manasses-Sanballat story is of Samaritan origin, while the story of Jaddua’s meeting with Alexander and the references to Persian and Macedonian history are from different sources of Jewish origin, combined with the Sanballat story by 509 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI Josephus’s immediate source with the purpose of countering the Samaritan claims by showing that , Alexander favoured the Jews over against the Samari- _ tans. It is true that there are certain inconsistencies \ inJosephus’s narrative whichseem to support Biichler’s Ὁ differentiation of Samaritan and Jewish sources ; for example, as Tscherikower points out, from one pas- sage (§§ 322 ff.) it appears that Sanballat received permission from Alexander to build the temple on Mount Gerizim, while from another (§ 342) one gathers that the Samaritan temple had been in existence for some time before Alexander’s coming ; again, in § 343 Alexander is represented as being in ignorance of who the Samaritans may be, while in an earlier passage, § 321, it is said that Sanballat sent soldiers to help Alexander besiege Tyre. Motzo, however, argues that all of Ant. xi. and xii. and part of xiii. are taken from a single anti-Samaritan source glorifying the temple and priesthood of Jerusalem in opposition to those of Samaria and Leontopolis, which book Motzo believes was composed between 100 and 63 B.c. I strongly doubt whether Motzo is stead of consulting the biblical and wens ος πθρτει 1 Esdras, Nehemiah, 1 Maccabees, etc., directly ; as I have tried to point out in the notes, Josephus con- sulted Scripture whenever he could make use of it for his historical narrative. It is puzzling, to be sure, that in § 174 he fails to mention Sanballat as one of Nehemiah’s adversaries and that he almost ignores the contents of Neh. chs. v., vii.-xiii. But it may be that having a tradition about a Sanballat who lived i in the time of Darius III and Alexander and played a 510 ἡ fet wu’ eld Se APPENDIX B pesietp similar to that ascribed to Nehemiah’s adversary, the simplest way out of the chronological difficulty by omitting the Sanballat story as told in the book of Nehemiah. To this procedure there is a elin his unobtrusive correction of the chronology of the Persian kings in Ezra-Nehemiah, to which attention has been called in the notes (§ 21 note 4, § 88 note a, § 97 note d). There are also several where Josephus’s narrative of Ezra amplifies or alters the text of 1 Esdras to get in an extra dig at the Samaritans, but in view of his earlier references to the objectionable Samaritans (cf. Ant. ix. 288 ff.), I see no reason to suppose that it was Josephus’s “ anti-Samaritan source ᾿᾿ rather than Josephus him- self who combined these later traditions with Scrip- . ture. The question of the source of the story of Alexander and Jaddua is further discussed in Appendix C. 511 APPENDIX C ALEXANDER THE GREAT AND THE JEWS ~ (Ant. xi. 317-845) Selected literature : red Abel, Pére F., “‘ Alexandre le Grand en Syrie et en Palestine,” RB xliii, 1934, pp. 528-545; xtliv, 1935, pp. 42-61. Abrahams, I., Campaigns in Palestine from Alexander the Great (Schweich Lectures). 1927. Biichler, A., “La Relation de Joséphe concernant Alexandre le Grand,’ REJ xxxvi, 1898, pp. 1-26. Derenbourg, J., Essai sur l’ Histoire et la Géographie de la Palestine d’aprés les Thalmuds, etc. Pt. I (all published). 1867. Lévi, I., ‘‘ La Légende d’Alexandre dans le Talmud et le Midrasch,” REJ vii, 1883, pp. 78-93. “Τὰ Dispute entre les Egyptiens et les Juifs,” REJ \xiii, 1912, pp. 211-215. Lichtenstein, H., “‘ Die Fastenrolle,” HUCA viii-x, 1931-32, pp. 257-351. Niese, B., GGMS vol. i, 1893, pp. 81-88. Pfister, F., ‘Eine jiidische Griindungsgeschichte Alexandrias, mit einem Anhang iiber Alexanders Besuch in Jerusalem,” Sitzungsberichte der Heidel- berger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Klasse B. v, 1914, Abt. 11. 512 ee ee APPENDIX C Radet, G., Alexandre le Grand. 1931 (ch. xi, pp. 180-136). Schiirer, E., Geschichte des jiidischen V olkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, vol. i (4th ed.), 1901, pp. 180 ff. Spak, I., Der Bericht des Josephus iiber Alexander den Grossen. 1911. Tarn, W. W., CAH vi, ch. xii. Tscherikower, A., Jews and Greeks (in Hebrew). 1930. Willrich, H., Juden und Griechen vor der makkabdischen Erhebung. 1895 (ch. i). There are several passages in Josephus which deal with the civic rights supposedly conferred by Alex- ander the Great on the Jews in Alexandria, but these will be considered in an appendix devoted to that subject in the last volume of this translation. Here we are concerned with the historicity and sources of the story in Ant. xi. 317 ff. which tells of Alexander's meeting with the Jews of Jerusalem and of his favour- able treatment of them in contrast with his negative attitude toward the Samaritans. Before critically examining Josephus’s narrative, however, we may consider the ancient parallels to this section. One of these is found in Recension C of the Greek Alexander Romance by Pseudo-Callisthenes. This work is a collection of legends inserted ina largely historical narrative drawn from literary sources, Recension C of this Romance contains a number of additions to the story of Alexander’s adventures which were obviously made by Hellenistic Jewish writers, as Pfister has shown from resemblances of style to the Septuagint ; the purpose of these Jewish interpolations was to support the claims of Alexandrian Jews to equality of civic rights by representing the 513 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI great Macedonian conqueror as a friend of the Jews and a worshipper of the Jewish God. These Jewish additions to Pseudo-Callisthenes are plausibly dated by Pfister in the first century a.p.; thus they are earlier than the recension edited by W. Kroll (His- toria Alexandria Magni, 1926) as the recensio vetusta, if he is right in dating the latter c. a.p. 300. The passage in question reads as follows, according to the text of C. Miller (Paris, 1877), Pseudo-Callisthenes ii. 24. “* Alexander conquered the country of the Jews, and these, wishing to resist him, sent out spies in the guise of envoys. But this stratagem did not deceive Alexander. He therefore commanded some of the very bravest young men of the Macedonian phalanx to hurl themselves into a’nearby ravine ; and they conscientiously carried out his command, for the Macedonian troops were very prompt to obey Alex- ander’s orders. ‘Then turning to the would-be spies, he said, “ You see, envoys of the Jewish nation, what a trifle death is considered by the Macedonian army. Return therefore and do what is best for you. For to-morrow I shall come to you and do what Providence may please.’ So they returned to their rulers (a4pyovo+) and said, ‘ We must submit to Alexander and so save ourselves. We have no other hope of safety, for the Macedonian army has a power more than human. While death seems terrible to us, it does not seem so at all to the Macedonians, but, on the contrary, some- thing to be held in great contempt. We perceive that they have so great a love of death that one might say they meet it as though it were an évery- day matter. The Macedonian youths amazed us by throwing themselves into the great ravine as though diving into the sea. And no sooner did Alexander 514 oe ges ee πον Ping sii: APPENDIX C order them to do this than they carried out his order. It was not so much their daring in the face of death that astonished us as the fact that they did not expect any profit therefrom, so readily did they volunteer to die. Now if they were to hope for any profit there- from, no one could resist them. But do what you think best before Alexander conquers us and all our ‘are made ineffective and doubtful.’ When their rulers heard this, they decided to submit to Alexander, and'so their priests put on their priestly robes and went out to meet Alexander with all their host. When Alexander saw them, he was awed by their appearance and told them not to come any nearer to him but to remain in the city. Then he summoned one of the priests and said to him, “ How divine is your appearance! Tell me, I pray, what god you worship. For I have never seen so seemly an array of priests among those of our gods.’ The priest then said,“ We serve one God who created heaven and earth and all things inthem. But no man is able to tell His name (αὐτὸν ἑρμηνεῦσαι). Thereupon Alexander said, “ As servants of the true God go in peace;-go. For your God shall be my God. And I will make peace with you and will not invade your country as I have done those of other nations, because you have served a living God.’ Then the Jews took an abundance of money in gold and silver and brought it to Alexander. But he refused to take it, saying, ᾿ Let this, together with-the sum set apart by me, be tribute to the Lord God. But I will not take anything from you.’ ” The legendary ‘character of this narrative is so obvious as to require no comment. It may be of interest, however, to quote Pfister’s comments on the relation of this Jewish interpolation in Pseudo-Calli- 515 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI sthenes to another passage of similar origin which represents Alexander as becoming a worshipper of the Jewish God at the time of his founding Alexandria, “ Above we saw that the Jewish κτίσις ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, which we have considered, was composed on the analogy of other ancient foundation-stories which are found in the Romance, and in particular that the introduction of the Yahweh-cult has its counterpart in the founding of the Serapis-cult at Alexandria by Alexander. Furthermore we saw that the Jeremiah- episode [in which Alexander brings the bones of the prophet Jeremiah to Alexandria] also corresponds to an ancient story. Now the founding of Alexandria and especially the establishment of the Serapis-cult are motivated by Alexander’s visit to the temple of Ammon and the oracle of this god. According to the Jewish tradition the founding of the city is preceded by the story of the king’s visit to Jerusalem and his becoming a follower of the Jewish religion. And just as the Jewish κτίσις is conceived after the pattern of the ancient [pagan] one, so the legend of Alexander’s visit to Jerusalem is formed on the tradition of, his journey to the oasis of Ammon.” The other parallel to Josephus’s story of demon and the Jews of Jerusalem is found in rabbinic litera- ~ ture. Here it may be parenthetically remarked that there are about a dozen more Alexander-stories in the Talmuds and Midrashim (homiletic commentaries on Scripture) but they are obviously folk-legends ; most of them are probably derived from accretions to the popular version of Pseudo-Callisthenes ; the interested _ reader will find an account of them in ‘the first of the articles by Lévi cited in the bibliography above. The rabbinic story which here concerns us is found in the 516 ee APPENDIX C scholion to the early rabbinic work Megillath Ta‘anith, which is a list of days on which fasting is forbidden, in celebration of some joyful event. The scholion (also found with slight variants in Bab. Talmud Yoma 69 a) comes under the date of the 2Ist day of Kislew, “ the day of Gerizim,” and reads as follows in Lichtenstein’s text. “This is the day when the Cuthim (Samaritans) asked Alexander of Macedon (for permission to destroy) our temple, saying to him, ‘ Give us five kurs of land on Mount Moriah.’ These he gave to them. But when they came, the inhabitants of Jerusalem went out and beat them off with sticks. They then informed Simon the Just of this. He thereupon put on his priestly garments and wrapped himself in his priestly garments (sic) and went out, accompanied by the nobles of Jerusalem and a thousand counsellors (bouleutai) dressed in white and young priests who made the sacred instruments resound. As they marched through the hills, the Macedonians saw their lighted torches, and when the king asked what this meant, the informers replied, ‘ These are the Jews who have rebelled against you.. When they arrived at Antipatris, the sun was shining, and when they came to the first station, the Macedonians asked them, “Who are you?’ The Jews replied, ‘ We are the people of Jerusalem, who have come to greet the king.’ But when Alexander of Macedon saw Simon the Just, he descended from his chariot and prostrated himself before him. Thereupon his men exclaimed, ‘Do you prostrate yourself before this man who is only a mortal?’ And he replied, ‘I see his image whenever I go to war and am victorious.’ Then the king asked him, ‘ What do you wish?’ The priest replied, ‘ The gentiles have deceived you concerning 517 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI the temple in which we pray for the welfare of your reign, and you have given it to them.’ The king then asked, ‘ Who deceived me?’ Simon answered, ἡ It was these Cuthim, who stand before you.’ There- upon Alexander said, ‘ They are herewith given into your hands.’ The Jews then pierced the heels of the Cuthim and tied them to the tails of their horses and dragged them over thorns and briers until they came to Mount Gerizim. And when they came to Mount Gerizim, they ploughed it under and sowed it with vetch, just as the Cuthim had intended to do to our temple. And the day on which they did this was made a festival.” Several anachronistic details in this ten call for brief comment. The high priest who meets Alex- _ ander is not Jaddua, as in Josephus’s narrative, but cc Simon the Just, who held this office c. 200 B.c., more than a century after Alexander’s death (see Ap- _ pendix B in Vol. VII.). Next, the name of the city where Alexander meets the Jews is Antipatris, although this name was first given to the place in question (Kephar Saba, cf. ὃ 329 note δ) by Herod the Great. Josephus gives Saphein (Mt. Scopus outside of Jerusalem) as the name of the meeting-place. Possibly, as we have noted, the author of the rabbinic version confused Saphein with Saba, and then the latter name was replaced by the Herodian name familiar to the later Jews. Or it may be that Josephus himself mistook Saba for Saphein. In any case, either site is geographically suitable, as we shall see below. The third anachronism is the reference to the plough- _ ing under of the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim which actually took place c. 110 B.c. in the last years of the reign of John Hyrcanus (ef. Ant. xiii. 281 = B,J. 518 APPENDIX C i. 65; this event seems to be referred to in another passage of Megillath Ta‘anith under the date of the 25th day of Marheshwan). Finally we may note Spak’s suggestion that the curious punishment ad- ministered by the Jews to the Samaritans has some connexion with the torture inflicted by Alexander on Batis, the Persian governor of Gaza (cf. ὃ 320), accord- ing to Qu. Curtius iv. 6 “ per talos enim spirantis lora traiecta sunt, religatumque ad currum traxere circa urbem equi.” A second rabbinic story is of slight importance in this connexion but is here reproduced because it tells of Alexander’s visit to Jerusalem and also mentions the Samaritans. This story appears in the scholion to Megillath Ta anith under the date of the 25th day of Siwan when “the demosionai (tax-collectors ?) were removed from Judah and Jerusalem.”” The Aramaic rubric itself, which probably refers to an incident in the Roman period, does not here concern us. As for the provenance of the Hebrew scholion, Lévi is prob- ably right in supposing that it derives from the apolo- getic literature of the Jews in Alexandria, to which we shall return below. The first part of the scholion, omitted here, relates to the controversies between the Jews on one hand and the Canaanites, Ishmaelites and Egyptians on the other concerning the Jews’ right to Palestine and to the property taken by them from the Egyptians at the time of the Exodus; Alexander the Great is represented as the judge in these disputes. In each controversy the legendary Gebiha ben Pesisa, who appears as the spokesman of the Jews, confounds his gentile opponents by cleverly applying a scriptural verse to the matter in dispute. The last part of the scholion, which is here translated, 519 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI is not found in ms. Parma of Megillath Ta‘anith or in the parallel passage, Bab. Talmud Sanhedrin 91 a; it is, however, found (with slight variants) in the Midrash, Bereshith Rabba xli. 6. The text, as edited by Lichtenstein, reads as follows. ‘‘ Alexander of Macedon sought to go up to Jerusalem. But the Cuthim (Samaritans) said to him, ‘ The nobles of Judah will not allow you to enter their Holy of Holies because you are uncircumcised (2.e. a gentile).” What did Gebiha ben Pesisa (Bereshith Rabba: Gebia ben Qosem =‘‘ Hunchback, son of Sorcerer”) do? He made two slippers of gold (thread) and placed on them two precious stones worth fifty thousand manehs of silver,and when Alexandercame to the temple mount, Gebiha said to him, ‘ My lord king, take off your shoes and let me put these slippers on your feet, for the pavement is slippery.’ But when Alexander came to the Holy of Holies, Gebiha said to him, ‘ Here it is forbidden to enter.’ Then Alexander said, “1 will enter, and when I come out, I will straighten your hump (gebihah).’ And Gebiha said to him, ‘If you do so, youshall be called a skilled physicianand receive a great reward.’ And they say that they did not move from there until a serpent bit him (Alexander). And the sages said to him (Gebiha), ‘ Concerning you it is written (Prov. xxiii. 25), Thy father and mother shall be glad, and she who bore thee shall rejoice, and it is written (Prov. xxvii. 11), My son, be mise and make my heart glad, that I may answer him that reproacheth me.” From these Jewish legends we must turn to the accounts of Alexander’s conquests in Syria and Pales- tine during the years 332-331 B.c. given by the Greek and Roman historians, Arrian, Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch, Justinus and, in fragmen- 520 : APPENDIX C tary form, by later Christian writers such as Eusebius, Jerome and Syncellus. After his victory over Darius at the battle of Issus in Cilicia in October 333 B.c., which was followed by Darius’s flight and the capture of the women of his family, Alexander proceeded down the coast of Syria and Phoenicia to Marathus. From here he sent Parmenion to take Damascus; here too he received letters from Darius asking for the release of the royal Persian family and proposing an alliance, which Alexander refused except on his own terms. From Marathus Alexander went to Byblus and Sidon, both of which cities readily received him. A Tyrian delegation also offered to submit to the Macedonians but refused to admit Alexander to their city in order that he might sacrifice to Heracles-Melkart. Alex- ander therefore prepared to attack Tyre ; this was in December 333 8.c. After a seven months’ siege by sea, in which the Phoenician ships took a prominent part, he forced the city to surrender, in July 332 B.c. ing the siege he made a brief excursion against the Arabs of the Anti-Lebanon district ; it was about this time too that all of Palestine submitted to him according to Arrian ii. 25. 4 καὶ ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τῆς Παλαιστίνης καλουμένης Συρίας προσκεχωρηκότα ἤδη. Ῥὲτε Abel suggests that during the siege of Tyre Alexander sent his soldiers into the interior of Palestine as far as Jericho, referring to a passage in Pliny, Hist. Nat. xii. 25. 117, describing the balsam plantations of Jericho, ““ Alexandro Magno res ibi gerente toto die aestivo unam concham impleri ius- tum erat,” and also into Transjordan, on the basis of references in Byzantine sources to the founding of Hellenistic cities there by Alexander. It is unlikely, 521 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI however, that the older sources would have passed these incidents over in silence if they were historical, and Willrich is probably right in dismissing these statements as unauthentic. After the fall of T Alexander determined to go to Egypt and left Par- menion to govern Syria and Palestine from Damascus. How long Parmenion remained at Damascus is not clear ; the references to him in Arrian are inconsistent in themselves and at variance with the statements of Curtius and Plutarch; it is not certain how long before the spring of 331 8.0. he left for Thapsacus on the Euphrates where Alexander sent him to check the Persian satrap Mazaeus. But it does seem fairly certain that during part of the time between the fall of Tyre in July 332 B.c. and Alexander’s return from Egypt in the spring of 331 8.0, Parmenion left Andromachus as prefect of Coele-Syria and that after the latter’s death (on which see below) Menon suc- ceeded to this office (Curtius iv. 5, against Arrian ii. 13. 7, which says that Menon was appointed to. this office before Alexander besieged Tyre). From Tyre , Alexander marched along the coast of Palestine un- opposed until he came to Gaza in September 332 B.c. This city, which was under the command of the Persian governor Batis (on the name ef. ὃ 320 note), was strongly fortified, and Alexander was obliged to besiege it for two months before it surrendered. Some time after the fall of Gaza Alexander set out for Egypt and reached Pelusium in seven days (Arrian iii. 1; Plutarch, Alex. xxvi.; Diodorus xvii. 49; Curtius iv. 7)... No ancient source (except Josephus of course) mentions any march elsewhere at this particular time. Alexander remained in Egypt until the spring of 331 B.c., visiting among other places the 522 APPENDIX C famous oracle of Ammon in the oasis of Siwah. (Per- ᾿ haps it is not altogether fanciful to see in the account of his visit to this temple given by Diodorus, xvii. 50-51, a resemblance to the story of Alexander's meet- ing with the Jewish priests in Josephus and Megillath Taanith; but the resemblance is so slight that it hardly deserves more than passing mention.) From _, Egypt Alexander returned to Tyre, where he ap- pointed various officials to govern the conquered territories in Asia Minor, Syria and Phoenicia ; no incident between his departure from Memphis and his arrival in Tyre is mentioned by Arrian, Diodorus or Plutarch. According to Curtius, however, it was during his absence in Egypt that the Samaritans rose against Andromachus, the prefect of Coele-Syria, and burned him alive, and on his return from Egypt Alexander punished the rebellious Samaritan leaders. | To this story the late writers Eusebius, Jerome and Syncellus add that Alexander took Samaria and settled Macedonians in the city. This incident has, of course, some bearing on Josephus’s account of Alex- ander’s relations with the Jews and Samaritans, and it is worth while to quote the sources mentioned. Curtius, iv. 8. 9, writes: “‘ Oneravit hunc dolorem nuntius mortis Andromachi quem praefecerat Syriae. Vivum Samaritae cremaverunt. Ad cuius interi- tum vindicandum quanta maxima celeritate potuit contendit, advenientique sunt traditi tanti sceleris auctores. Andromacho deinde Memnona substituit, affectis supplicio qui praetorem interemerant.” The _ Armenian text of Eusebius’s Chronicon, ii. 223 ed. Aucher (=ii. 114 ed. Schoene), has: ‘‘ Alexander besieged Tyre and conquered Judaea, and being re- ceived with honour, he sacrificed to God and honoured 523 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI the high priest (Kahanayapet), and as governor (lit. “overseer,” tesoué) of the district he appointed Andromachus, whom the inhabitants of the city of the Samaritans killed ; and on his return from Alexander punished them, and having taken the city, settled (bnakecoye) Macedonians therein ”’ ; similarly Jerome, “urbem captam: Macedonibus ad’ inhabi- tandum tradit,” and Syncellus, p. 496 ed. Bonn, τὴν Σαμάρειαν πόλιν ἑλὼν ᾿Αλέξανδρος Μακεδόνας ev αὐτῇ κατῴκισεν. However in another passage of Eusebius’s Chronicon, ii. 229 ed. Aucher (=ii. 118 ed. Schoene), we read that in Olympiad 121 (296/5 B.c.) “ Demetrius Poliorcetes, king of Asia, captured all of the Samaritan city which had been settled (bnake- couceal) by Perdiccas ” (here Jerome has, “ urbem vastat quam Perdicca ante construxerat.’’). From . this passage Willrich infers that it was Perdiccas and not Alexander who originally settled the Macedonians in Samaria ; against him Spak argues that Alexander himself settled the Macedonians in the city, while Perdiccas later built the city into a fortress, adding in a note, ‘“‘So kann nur construere iibersetzt werden ; constructam (Eusebius nach Petermann und Aucher), construxerat (nach Hieronymus) ist doch ganz etwas anderes als κατῴκισεν (nach Syncellus) und collocavit (Eusebius nach Aucher und Petermann).” Unfor- tunately Spak has been misled by the modern Latin translations of Eusebius’s Armenian text. In both passages the verb bnakecouganem i is used, meaning “ to cause to inhabit’; it is used in the Armenian Bible to translate κατοικίζειν. There is, therefore, a con- — tradiction between the two passages in Eusebius ; in one he says that Alexander settled the Macedonians in Samaria ; in the other that Perdiccas did so. The 524 APPENDIX C historicity of the former fact must therefore be judged on the basis of the statements of Curtius and Syncellus alone. Now Syncellus is not a particularly trust- / worthy source for this period, while Curtius merely says that Alexander appointed Menon as prefect in place of Andromachus. We cannot be certain that Alexander was in Samaria for any length of time. But we shall return to this point again. “In the light of the information yielded by the sources cited above what opinion shall we hold of the historicity of Josephus’s story of Alexander's meeting with the Jews and his favourable attitude toward them, apart from the obviously legendary details such as Alexander’s dream of Jaddua at Dium and the of the book of Daniel? Of the scholars mentioned in the bibliography given above only Israel Abrahams argues that Josephus is correct in sayi that Alexander visited Jerusalem after the fall of © Gaza. He contends that the argument advanced by most scholars that there was no time for such a detour after Gaza fell is based on “ a complete misreading of Arrian and the rest of the authorities. . . . But Arrian tells us no such thing. When he moved his army from Gaza to Egypt, Alexander's march was rapid, but he did not leave Gaza immediately on its fall. On the contrary there was much to be done before he left the place, and there is nothing in Arrian or Curtius to imply that time failed for such an experi- ence.as Josephus describes.” Abrahams is right in denying that the sources imply that Alexander left for Egypt immediately after the surrender of Gaza 3 but he is hardly right in saying that “ there is nothing in Arrian or Curtius to imply that time failed for such an experience as Josephus describes.” It is true that 525. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI Alexander had certain things to attend to before he left for Egypt, such as the refounding of Gaza and the sending of Amyntas with triremes to Macedonia, but the sources plainly indicate that he delayed his march to Egypt only long enough to do what had to be done , onthe spot; he would hardly have gone out of his way to visit Jerusalem at this time ; cf. Arrian iii. 1. 1 ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου ἵναπερ τὸ πρῶτον ὡρμήθη ἐστέλλετο, and Curtius iv. 6 “ regis qui Aegyptum adire festinans Amyntam cum decem triremibus in Macedoniam misit.’’ Incidentally, the incense which Alexander sent to Leonidas, presumably from Gaza (but possibly _ earlier), according to Plutarch, Alex. xxv., may very well have been found there, since Gaza was the chief centre of export of eastern luxuries to the West during _ the Persian period. One point made by Abrahams, however, is well taken ; he insists that Josephus is not guilty of a “howler” when he says that Alexander in coming from Gaza approached Jerusalem from the north. ‘‘ What was probably the zormal route was to advance up the familiar coast and to turn in eastwards from the neighbourhood of Jaffa.”” Nevertheless, in view of the clear implications of the ancient authori- ties, we may safely conclude that Alexander probably did not visit Jerusalem after the fall of Gaza and before his journey to Egypt. The question remains whether Alexander may have had personal dealings with the Jews at some other time, presumably on his return from Egypt in the spring of 331 B.c. when he learned of the Samaritan uprising. Such a theory is proposed by Spak, who reconstructs the course of events as follows. On leaving Egypt Alexander made for Samaria to crush the rebellion which was the first serious opposition 526 “APPENDIX Ὁ encountered in these parts by the Macedonians. On his way he heard about the Jews and went to Jerusalem from Gaza (his second visit to Gaza, not his first, as Josephus has it). His anger was directed, not against the Jews for their refusal to help him during the siege of Tyre, but against the leaders of the Samaritan rebellion ; his settlement of 8000 Samaritan soldiers in Egypt had occurred earlier, and they were now forced to remain in Egypt. Spak also supposes that it was on this occasion that Alexander presented to the Jews some of the Samaritan territory, as Josephus states, not in Ant. xi., but in Ap. ii. 43, where he quotes Hecataeus to the effect that Alexander “ in recogni- tion of the consideration and loyalty shown to him by the Jews added to their territory the district of Samaria free of tribute.” We do not know whether this statement actually comes from Hecataeus (fl. early 3rd century B.c.) and is therefore presumably authentic or whether it is taken from a Hellenistic Jewish writer, the so-called Pseudo-Hecataeus, who invented the story for apologetic purposes. Dr. Thackeray writes in his note ad loc.: “‘ This statement (? of Pseudo-Hecataeus) is certainly exaggerated, and an anachronism. Three small districts of Samaria (not the whole country) were ceded to the Jews, free of tribute, by Demetrius II c. 145 suc. (1 Mace. xi. 34; cf. x. 30, 38) ; but the language of 1, Mace. suggests that Demetrius may have been confixming some concession of earlier date.’’ Biichler’s suggestion (see below) that the passage in Ap. ascribes to Alexander a privilege actually conferred by Julius Caesar seems to me more convincing than Spak’s plea for its authenticity. Somewhat similar to Spak’s theory is that of Tscherikower, who, while he does not 527 + JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI believe that Alexander actually visited Jerusalem, thinks that he may have heard of the Samaritan up- rising on his return from Egypt to Tyre and sent Perdiccas to suppress it (cf. the passages from Curtius and Eusebius cited above), and that the Jews may have sent a small auxiliary force to help Perdiccas subdue the Samaritans, as a result of which friendly relations were established between them and Alex- ander. The trouble with this theory is that Curtius states that it was Alexander himself who suppressed the Samaritan rebellion and makes it fairly clear that he did so without difficulty and without help from the natives of Palestine. However it is not impossible that Spak and Tscherikower are right in supposing that Alexander may have had some personal dealings with the Jews (somewhere in Palestine) at the time of the Samaritan rebellion. But as for Alexander’s actual visit to Jerusalem, I believe that the balance of the evidence is against it, though I should hesitate to deny it as categorically as do Niese, Willrich, Tscherikower and others. For in , addition to the strong negative argument that the oldest Greek and Latin sources do not mention it (Eusebius’s brief reference to the visit is of course based on Josephus), as we might reasonably expect them to do, in spite of the comparative unimportance of the Jews to the Greeks in the time of Alexander (which, by the way, is another reason for doubting that Alexander would have been interested in Jerusalem and its temple, pace Abrahams), we have the positive argument that the Hellenistic Jewish sources on which Josephus drew in this portion of his History may justly be suspected of having brought Alexander the Great into connexion with Jerusalem for apologetic pur- 528 eit» APPENDIX C _ We have seen that this was done by the inter- of the Jewish stories in Pseudo-Callisthenes (cf. Pfister) and by the authors of the Alexander stories in rabbinic literature (cf. Lévi). A priori, therefore, there is reason to suspect that Josephus’s story of Alexander's visit to Jerusalem and his sacri- ficing in the temple is a legend originating in the ic literature of the Jews of Alexandria. _A final consideration remains—the date of the composition of the Alexander story which Josephus (or Τὰ tieemediate source) has combined with the Sanballat story. Willrich supposes that it was com- ὦ posed after the visit of Marcus Agrippa to Jerusalem in the reign of Herod the Great, and that Agrippa’s sacrificing in the temple at Jerusalem was the basis of the legend of Alexander’s sacrificing in the temple, while Agrippa’s favourable decisions concerning the eivie rights of the Jews in Asia Minor and elsewhere were the basis of Alexander’s legendary grant of privileges to the Jews of Media and Babylon. Wvill- rich further supposes that the allusions in Josephus to Alexander’s dealings with the Samaritans are based on the events of a.p. 52 (Ant. xx. 118 = B.J. ii. 232); at this time the Jews were roused to violence by the murder of some Galilaeans on their way to Jerusalem by the Samaritans, and when the leaders of the Jews failed to get satisfaction from the pro- curator, Cumanus, they appealed to the legate of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, as did the Samaritan leaders, at Tyre ; Quadratus postponed his decision until he should have obtained more information about the affairin Judaea. At first sight Willrich’s explana- tion seems plausible, but there are serious objections to both parts of it. So far as the Agrippa-Alexander 529 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI parallel is concerned, the resemblances between the two figures in their dealings with the Jews are rather slight, as Biichler has shown ; and as for the parallel between the Samaritan-Jewish quarrel i in the time of Alexander and that of a.p. 52, it is most improbable that the authentic report of an event that occurred in Josephus’s lifetime and was described in his earlier work the Jewish War should have been converted into an apologetic fiction and combined with older tradi- tions about Jaddua and Alexander before gna ὑπνῶν wrote Antiquities. More satisfying and probably correct on the wholé is Biichler’s theory of the composition of the Alex- ander story, which I believe is worth quoting at some length. In discussing the exemption from taxes during the sabbatical year allegedly granted by Alexander, and the historical parallel in Ant. xiv. 202 ff. in the time of Hyreanus II and Julius Caesar, he writes : “ Comme cette disposition nefut renouvelée nulle part autant que nos sources permettent de le constater, on est porté ἃ admettre que la conduite de César vis-a-vis les Juifs a inspiré l’idée des priviléges qu’aurait accordés Alexandre le Grand. Dans ce cas le grand-prétre qui représentait devant lui les Juifs serait Hyrean II qui apparait en effét comme le repré- sentant de tous les Juifs ; sous la désignation de Juifs de la Babylonie et de la Médie seraient compris tous les Juifs du dehors que visaient les rescrits de César, ceux de Il’Ionie auxquels il garantit le libre exercice de leur religion (Ant. xiv. 10, 8 et 10, 20-24), aussi bien que ceux d’Egypte dont il confirma expressement les droits civiques ἃ Alexandrie . . . La garantie de tous les droits du pontificat et du sacerdoce, accordée par César, garantie qui suppose la liberté de pratiquer la 530 ' APPENDIX C religion, correspondrait a l’autorization donnée par Alexandre aux Juifs de Palestine d’observer libre- ment les lois de leurs péres. . . . Π est donc clair que César a aussi tenu compte dans son ordonnancedes fétes des Juifs et que la lettre du roi Demetrius [1 Macc. x. 36], qui serefére ἃ ce privilége, appartient ἃ lépoque de César. Ceci admis il en resulte une autre ence pour fixer l’époque de cette particularité mentionnée par Joséphe (C. Ap. ii. 4) qu’Alexandre le Grand en récompense de la vaillance et de la fidélité des Juifs exempte d’impéts le territoire de Samarie. On chercherait vainement dans toute l'histoire une occasion ow se seraient révélées ces qualités des Juifs ἃ moins d’admettre qu'ils les ont manifestées sous les yeux de ses fonctionnaires lorsqu τόσο pun νῷ préfet de Syrie en Samarie, fut brilé vif . . . ce quiest plus | qu'invraisemblable. Or, nous avons vu qu’effective-/ ment César accorda au territoire samaritain l’exemp- tion des impéts et que cette mesure fut provoquée par la fidélité et la i ilar des Juifs durant la campagne ste. Il devient done manifeste que par Alex- andre il faut entendre César.” Less plausible but worthy of consideration is Biichler’s explanation of how the Samaritan story came to be combined with the Alexander-Jaddua story in the Alexandrian source of Josephus’s narra- tive: “* Peut-étre l’apparition des soldats du grand- prétre {Hyrcanus II, in 47 B.c.] sur le territoire égyptien éveilla-t-elle l'intérét de la population pour les Juifs et Jérusalem, et l’écrivain samaritain pro- fita-t-il de ces dispositions favorables pour placer sur premier plan le temple de Sichem.” In conclusion I cannot do better perhaps than to quote Biichler’s admirable summary of his findings 531 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XI concerning the composition of Josephus’s narrative in Ant. xi. 302 ff. ‘ La relation de Joséphe sur le séjour d’Alexandre en Palestine et ses rapports avec les Samaritains et les Juifs est composée de trois parties différentes, qui peuvent facilement étre séparées l’une de l’autre, parce qu’elles sont, en grande partie, juxtaposées. ἢ en est deux qui sont d'origine juive, la troisieme est samaritaine. La premiére traitait des Samaritains, la seconde des Juifs, sans, tenir compte de leurs voisins du méme pays ; la troisiéme est hostile aux Samaritains et rapporte avec une joie maligne le réfus qui fut opposé ἃ ceux-ci par Alex- andre. La premiére relation juive est probablement une réponse a celle des Samaritains qui pour une raison queleconque voulaient montrer aux Alexandrins, en rattachant a l’histoire de Sanballat de la Bible des détails d’ailleurs exacts sur la lutte de Darius avec Alexandre, que le temple de Garizim deyait son origine ἃ Alexandre le Grand., Le récit juif fut com- posé immédiatement aprés l’expédition de César en Egypte et attribue les nombreuses marques de bien- veillance de ce prince 4 Alexandre ; il est done sans valeur pour ]’époque plus reculée. Le récit samari- tain et la seconde relation juive pourraient aussi étre ‘de cette époque. On ne peut, déterminer, si l’as- semblage a été fait par Joséphe ou s’il existait avant lui. En tout cas l/historien a ajouté beaucoup, de détails concernant les expéditions d’Alexandre et les Samaritains. Les renseignements qu'il donne nous permettent de jeter un regard sur les rapports entre les Juifs et les Samaritains en Egypte et sur le labora- toire littéraire des Judéo-hellénistes du milieu du 1° siécle avant l’ére chrétienne.”’ Printed in Great Britain by R. & R. Crarx, Limitep, £dinburgh (826) LE ELE ET aR ” THE LOEB CLASSICAL ua LIBRARY rhea VOLUMES ALREADY PUBLISHED εχ ΕΔ AGC A) LATIN AUTHORS Ammaanus Marcetiuius. J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. (Vols. I and I fan tat Vol. ΠῚ 2nd Imp. revised ΤῸ ΕΝ Ass(Merramorpnoses). W. Adling- ton (1566). Revised by S. Gaselee. (7th Imp.) Sr. Aucustryse: Crry or Gop. 7 Vols. Vol. 1. 6. E. ~ McCracken. 5 Sr. Αὐσύϑτινε, Conresstons or. W. Watts (1681). 9 Vols. (Vol. I 7th Imp., Vol. II 6th Imp. Sr. Aveusrive: Sevecr Lerrers. J.H. Baxter. (2nd Imp.) Avsowius. Η. 6. Evelyn White. 9 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Bepe.* J. E. King. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) 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Catumacuus: Hymns anp Epricrams, anp LycopHron. A. W. Mair; Aratus. G. R. Mair. (2nd Imp.) Ciement oF ALExanpaiA. Rey. G. W. Butterworth. (37d Imp.) Coxiutrnus. Cf. Oppran. Dapunis AND Cutor. Cf. Loneus. DemostHenes I: Otynruracs, Puritpprcs anp Mrvnor Orations: I-XVII anp XX. J. H. Vince. (2nd Imp.) Demostuenes 1: De Corona anp Der Fatsa LeEGATIONE. C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince. (3rd Imp. revised.) Demostuenes III: Merpras, Anprotron, ARISTOCRATES, Timocrates, Anistocetron. J. H. Vince. (2nd /mp.) DemostHenrs IV-VI: Private Orations AND In NEAERAM. A. T. Murray. (Vol. [V 3rd Jm DemostHenrs VII: ΕὙΝΕΒΑΙ, aeons: Erotic Behav, Exorp1a AnD Letrrers. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt. Dio Casstus: Roman History. Εἰ. Cary. 9 Vols. (Vols. I and II 3rd Jmp., Vols. III-[X 2nd Imp.) 6 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Dio Curysostom. 5 Vols. Vols. I and 11. J. W.Cohoon. Vol. III. J. W. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. Vols. IV and V. H. Lamar Crosby. (Vols. I-IV 2nd Imp.) Droporvus Sicutus. 12 Vols. Vols. I-VI. C. H. Oldfather. Vol. VII. CG. L. Sherman. Vols. [IX and X. Russel M. Geer. Vol. ΧΕ. F. R. Walton. (Vols. I-IV 2nd Imp.) Droceyxrs Larattus. R.D. Hicks. 2 Vols. (Vol. 1 4th Imp., Vol. II 3rd Imp.) Drowystus oF Haxicarnassus: Romaw Antrqurtres. Spel- man’s translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols. (Vols. ιν 2nd Imp.) Fricrerus. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vol. II 2nd Imp.) Evurimes. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. (Vol. I 7th Imp., Vol. II 8th Imp., Vols. III and IV 6th Imp.) Verse trans. Eusesrus: Eccresrastrcat History. Kirsopp Lake and J.E.L. Oulton. 2 Vols. (Vol. 13rd Imp., Vol. II 5th Imp.) Bre Ow tHe Naturat Facutrres. A. J. Brock. (4th ‘mp.) Tue Greex AytHotocy. W.R. Paton. 5 Vols. (Vols. [- IV 5th Imp., Vol. V 3rd Imp.) Tur Greex Bucotic Ports (Tazocrrtus, Bro, Moscuvs). J. M. Edmonds. (7th Imp. revised.) Grerex Exvecy anp lamspus WITH THE ANACREONTEA. J. M. Edmonds. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vol. II 2nd Imp.) Greex Maruematicat Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.) Heropes. Cf. THEopurastus: CHARACTFRS. Heropvotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. (Vols. I and IV 4th Imp., Vols. II and III 5th Imp.) Hestop anp THE Homeric Hymys. H. 6. Evelyn White. (ith Imp. revised and enlarged.) HrprocraTEs AND THE FraGMents OF Heracteitus. W.H.S. Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vols. II-IV 3rd Im mp.) Homer: In1ap. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. (7th Imp.) Homer: Opyssry. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. (8th Imp.) Isarus. E.S. Forster. (3rd Imp.) Isocrates. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Sr. Jonw Damascene: Bartaam anv IoasapH. Rev. G. ΕΒ. Woodward and Harold Mattingly. (3rd Imp. revised.) 7 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Josepuus. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. 9 Vols. pons I-VII. (Vol. V 3rd Imp., Vols. I-IV, VI and VII 2nd mp.) Jutian. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. (Vols. [ and II 3rd Imp., Vol. 111 2nd Imp.) Loyeus: Dapunis anp Cutor. Thornley’s translation revised by J. M. Edmonds; and Partuenrus. 8. Gaselee. (4th Imp.) Lucian. A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I-V. (Vols. I and Il 4th Imp., Vol. ILI 3rd Imp., Vols. ΓΝ and V 2nd Imp.) Lycornron. Cf. CaLtimacuus. , Lyra Grarca. J. Μ. Edmonds. 3 Vols. (Vol. 1 5th Jmp., Vols. Il (revised and enlarged) and Ill 4th Imp.) Lysias. W.R.M. Lamb. (37rd Imp.) Mayrtuo. W.G. Waddell; Proutemy: Terrasrezos, F. E. Robbins. (3rd Imp.) Marcus Auneuius. C. R. Haines. (4¢h lmp. revised.) ΜΕΝΑ ΕΗ. F.G. Allinson. (3rd Imp. revised.) Mryor Artic Orators. 2 Vols. . J. Maidment and J. O. Burtt. (Vol. I 2nd Imp.) ' Nownos: Dionysitaca. W.H.D. Rouse. 3 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Opp1an, Cot_utruus, TrypHioporus. A. W. Mair. (2nd Imp.) Papyri. Noy-Lirerany Sevections. A. S. Hunt and Ὁ. C. Edgar. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Lirerany SeEtecrions. (Poetry). Ὁ. L. Page. (3rd Imp.) Partuenius. Cf, Loneus. Pausantas: Description oF Greece. W.H.S. Jones. 5 Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley. (Vols. I and III 3rd Jmp., Vols. {1, ΓΝ and V 2nd Jmp.) Puito. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. Whitaker; Vols. VI-IX.. F. H. Colson. (Vol. IV 4th Imp., Vols. I, 11, V-VII 3rd Jmp., Vols. II, VIII, IX Qnd Imp.) ἢ Two Supplementary Vols. Translation only from an Armenian Text. Ralph Marcus. Puitostratus: Tue Lire or Apotionius or Tyana. F.C. Conybeare. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vol. Il 3rd Imp.) Puitostratus: Imacrnes; CaLuistratTus: DeEscriprions. A. Fairbanks. (2nd Imp.) Puitostratus anD Eunarrus: Lives oF THE SOPHIST3. Wilmer Cave Wright. (2nd Imp.) Prxpar. Sir J. Εν Sandys. (8th Imp. revised.) 8 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Prato 1: Evraypnro, Aporoey, Crrro, Puarpo, PHaEprus. H. N. Fowler. (11th Imp.) Prato Il: Tuearrerus anp Sopuist. H.N. Fowler. (4th Prato ΠῚ: Statesman, Poiresus. H. N. Fowler. ἴον. W.R.M. Lamb: (4th Jmp.) Prato IV: Lacues, Proracoras, Meno, Eurnypemus. W.R. M. Lamb. (3rd Imp. revised.) Prato V: Lysis, Syarposrum, Gorgias. W. R. M. Lamb. (5th on revised.) Prato Vi: Cratyrus, Parmenrpes, Greater Hipptras, Lesser Hreptas. H.N. Fowler. (4¢h Jmp.) Prato VII: Toarus, Critias, CuiropHo, Menexenvs, Epr- stutar. Rev. R.G. Bury. (3rd Jmp.) Prato VIII: CHarmrpes, Aucisiapes, Hipparcuus, THe Lovers, THeaces, Miyos anp Eprromis. W.R. M. Lamb. (2nd Imp.) Prato: Laws. Rev. R. 6. Bury. 2 Vols. (3rd imp.) Prato: Repustic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 5th /mp., Vol. II 4th Imp.) ; PrurarcH: Moraria. 14 Vols. Vols. I-V. F.C. Babbitt; Vol. VI. W.C.Helmbold; Vol. VII. P. H. De Lacy and B. Einarson; Vol. X. H. N. Fowler; Vol. XII. H. Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold. (Vols. I-V1, X 2nd Jmp.) Prurarcn: Tue Pararuex Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols. (Vols. I, II, VI, VII and XI 3rd IJmp., Vols. III-V and VIII-X 2nd Imp.) Potysius. W.R. Paton. 6 Vols. (2nd—Jmp.) Procorrus: History or tHe Wangs. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vols. II-VI 2nd Imp.) Protemy: Trerrasrstos. Cf. Mayeruo. Qurytus Smypnarus. A.S. Way. (3rd Imp.) Verse trans. Sextus Emprnicus. Rey. ΒΕ. Ο. Bury. 4 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vols. 11 and III 2nd Imp.) Sornocres. F. Storr. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 10¢h Imp., Vol. II 6th Imp.) Verse trans. Sr#aso : GrocrapHy. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. (Vols. I, V and VIII 3rd Jmp., Vols. II-IV, VI and VII 2nd Imp.) TsropHrastus: Cuaracrers. J. M. Edmonds; Heropss, etc. A.D. Knox. (3rd Imp.) Tsrorpurastus: Enquiry ivto Puayts. Sir Arthur Hort. 2 Vols. (2nd Jmp.) THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Tuuoypipes. C.F. Smith. 4 Vols. (Vol. 1 5th er Veale: ΠΡῚΝ 3rd Imp.) TrypHioporus. Cf. ΟΡΡΙΑΝ Xewopuon: Cyropazpia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol, I 4th Imp., Vol. 11 3rd Imp.) ΧΈΧΝΟΡΗΟΝ : Hetrentca, ANABASIS, APOLOGY, AND Sympo- sium. C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd, 3 Vols. \(Vols. 1 and ΠῚ 8rd Jmp., Vol. II 4th Imp.) XenorHon: Memorasitia anp Oxconomious, E. C. Mar- chant. (3rd Imp.) ΧΈΧΝΟΡΗΟΝ : Scerpra Μινοβα. E.C. Marchant. (8rd Imp.) VOLUMES IN PREPARATION GREEK AUTHORS Arsop AND OTHER Fasuuists. Β. E. Perey: Arnistotte: History or Antmats. A. L. Peck. Prorinus. A. H, Armstrong. 19 2m LATIN AUTHORS PHAEDRUS AND OTHER-Fasuuists. Β. E. Perry. 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